In Femocracy: How Educators Can Teach Democratic Ideals and Feminism, Chris Edwards discusses why the rise and spread of feminism should be at the center of the world historical narrative instead of being treated as a historical subheading. For cultural reasons, feminism grew out of democratic ideals right after the Protestant Reformation and developed into the most powerful force currently shaping the world. Edwards posits that traditional “Western civ” narratives often connect the Protestant Reformation to the Enlightenment and the Enlightenment to the development of participatory governments; however, given that democratic ideals also produced feminism, it is time to recognize that the most impressive outcome of the Enlightenment is not that it produced revolutions in America and France, but rather that it inspired the genius of Mary Wollstonecraft. Femocracy means “rule by the feminine” and as cooperation, communication, and nonaggression become the dominant themes of the modern world; it is time to rethink our traditional historical narratives. Femocracy is an indispensable work for teachers of history, sociology, and women’s studies.

What could a Femocracy be like? What would Gynarchy Rule be like? What kind of changes would take place? Would people be ready for it to come to pass? How many jobs would be created? How would a female only society thrive in peace and safety without males allowed in public? What would possibly happen if Communism arose with three distinct forms of government? What if the middle east was under a strict Sharia Law removing all rights from women, and the east and Europe were under Socialism, and America became subject to Femocracy with Gynarchy Rule? The author does not condone anything illegal or immoral and this is but a story of possible scenes with Femocracy with Gynarchy Rule. It is not to be taken seriously or as any form of treason or information or used as educational literature. It is merely a look at a world where society is the exact opposite of Sharia Law in so many places. All persons and places are fictional and a fabrication of the mind of the author. This is basically a fantasy fiction work with no factual or educational data. It expresses the possibility that three separate and different governments could make up a One World Order with the New World Order in America being Femocracy with strict Gynarchy Rule in ficticious settings. If the reader is offended by female domination or anything which challenges the lifestyle of the US they would be good to avoid this.The author may attempt to write a movie script along the lines of "How The West Was Femmed" with conversations included (not in this work) about the gradual rise in feminism and decline of masculinity as feminism arose through the stages towards a long sought Femocracy with Gynarchy Rule

This collection of essays in political sociology and public policy contests some of the fundamental features of the contemporary State as it is manifested in Australia. It explores themes such as the development of the complex interventionist State, characterised by the proliferation of its activities to encompass virtually every feature of its subjects' daily lives and functioning as a central site of struggle over the distribution of social, economic, political and cultural resources. It also examines the impact of the so-called new social movements - the women's movement, the various multiracial and multicultural movements, and the environmental movement - which make new claims on the democratisation of the distribution of resources, and investigates the impact on the State of the pressure for economic 'restructuring' arising from the new terms of competition within a global economy in recession. In tracing the links between these themes, Bureaucrats, Technocrats, Femocrats makes a major contribution to a critical tradition of writing and analysis in public administration.

Is a "woman-friendly" state possible? Can women achieve full social citizenship? At a time when backlash against people of color, women, and the poor is accelerating, this account of the experiences of Australian feminists is illuminating: Australian feminists succeeded in making women's issues like child care and domestic violence part of the main stream political agenda.Inside Agitatorsis the first full-length study of the Australian femocrats published in the United States. Hester Eisenstein (herself a former femocrat) chronicles the efforts of a cohort of women, feminist bureaucrats, who changed the gender landscape—from the initial invitation to enter government by Labor in 1973 to the rise of neo-liberalism and the contemporary attack on the public sector. Connecting the femocrats to specifically Australian features of political culture and political economy, this book analyzes the implicit political theory of the femocrats. Eisenstein addresses the issues of strategies for social change, class, race and racism, sexuality and sexual politics, "gendered" experience, and accountability to the women's movement. This important study explores the possibilities and limits of the contemporary attempt by the women's movement to constitute women as a "gender interest," and to use state power as an instrument for social change. Author note:Hester Eisenstein, Professor in the Department of American Studies at the State University of New York at Buffalo, held posts at both the Office of Equal Opportunity in Public Employment and the Education Department in New South Wales, Australia. She is the author of several books, includingContemporary Feminist Thought.

There is a rich intellectual history to the development of anti-colonial thought and practice. In discussing the politics of knowledge production, this collection borrows from and builds upon this intellectual traditional to offer understandings of the macro-political processes and structures of education delivery (e. g., social organization of knowledge, culture, pedagogy and resistant politics). The contributors raise key issues regarding the contestation of knowledge, as well as the role of cultural and social values in understanding the way power shapes everyday relations of politics and subjectivity. In reframing anti-colonial thought and practice, this book reclaims the power of critical, oppositional discourse and theory for educational transformation. Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of Resistance, includes some the most current theorizing around anti-colonial practice, written specifically for this collection. Each of the essays extends the terrain of the discussion, of what constitutes anti-colonialism. Among the many discursive highlights is the interrogation of the politics of embodied knowing, the theoretical distinctions and connections between anti-colonial thought and post-colonial theory, and the identification of the particular lessons of anti-colonial theory for critical educational practice. Essays explore such key issues as the challenge of articulating anti-colonial thought as an epistemology of the colonized, anchored in the indigenous sense of collective and common colonial consciousness; the conceptualization of power configurations embedded in ideas, cultures and histories of marginalized communities; the understanding of indigeneity as pedagogical practice; and the pursuit of agency, resistance and subjective politics through anti-colonial learning.

This book serves as a drive and medium for constructive analysis, critical thinking, and informed change in the broad area of cultural heritage studies. In Africa, how to overturn the gory effects and reverse the wholesale obnoxious and unpardonable losses suffered from the excruciating experience of colonialism in a manner that empowers the present and future generations, remains a burning question. Colonial and liberation war heritage have received insignificant attention. The relevance, nature, and politics at play when it comes to the role of memory and colonial heritage in view of nation-building and sustainability on the continent is yet to receive careful practical and theoretical attention and scrutiny from both heritage scholars and governments. Yet, colonial heritage has vast potentials that if harnessed could reverse the gargantuan losses of colonialism and promote sustainable development in Africa. The book critically reflects on the opportunities, constraints, and challenges of colonial heritage across Africa. It draws empirical evidence from its focus on Zimbabwe, South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana, Zambia, and Mozambique, to advance the thesis that cultural heritage in Africa, and in particular colonial heritage, faces challenges of epic proportions that require urgent attention.

Arguably, one of the most polarising figures in modern times has been Robert Gabriel Mugabe, the former President of the Republic of Zimbabwe. The mere mentioning of his name raises a lot of debate and often times vicious, if not irreconcilable differences, both in Zimbabwe and beyond. In an article titled: Lessons of Zimbabwe, Mahmood Mamdani succinctly captures the polarity thus: It is hard to think of a figure more reviled in the West than Robert Mugabe and his land reform measures, however harsh, have won him considerable popularity, not just in Zimbabwe but throughout southern Africa. This, together with his recent stylised ouster, speaks volumes to his conflicted legacy. The divided opinion on Mugabes legacy can broadly be represented, first, by those who consider him as a champion of African liberation, a Pan-Africanist, an unmatched revolutionary and an avid anti-imperialist who, literally, spoke the truth to Western imperialists. On the other end of the spectrum are those who seemingly paying scant regard to the predicament of millions of black Zimbabweans brutally dispossessed of their land and human dignity since the Rhodesian days have differentially characterised Mugabe as a rabid black fascist, an anti-white racist, an oppressor, and a dictator. Drawing on all these opinions and characterisations, the chapters ensconced in this volume critically reflect on the personality, leadership style and contributions of Robert Mugabe during his time in office, from 1980 to November 2017. The volume is timely in view of the current contested transition in Zimbabwe, and with regard to the ongoing consultations on the Land Question in neighbouring South Africa. It is a handy and richly documented text for students and practitioners in political science, African studies, economics, policy studies, development studies, and global studies.

This new study reveals how institutional practices and discourses shape the way men and women are conceived of, and how through this process, gender stereotypes and expectations are created. Informed by the latest research and trends, these expert authors examine the way in which domestic and global institutions shape and reflect gender interests and the extent to which feminists can challenge gender norms through political institutions. They examine regional, national and international institutions including the EU, ICC and UN and take a broad view of political institutions to include bureaucracy; federalism; legal structures; parliaments; voting and electoral institutions; and media coverage of women’s involvement in such institutions. Drawing on experiences in the US, UK, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of gender studies, political science and comparative politics.

Are the Lords Listening? : Creating connections between people and Parliament, first report of session 2008-09, Vol. 2: Evidence