Focuses on the decade since the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in 1998. This book delineates the key stumbling blocks in peace and political processes and examines in detail just how the conversion from terrorism to democratic politics is managed in post-conflict Northern Ireland.

Lee Smithey examines how symbolic cultural expressions in Northern Ireland, such as parades, bonfires, murals, and commemorations, provide opportunities for Protestant unionists and loyalists to reconstruct their collective identities and participate in conflict transformation.

This book examines the economic and political contributions of the EU to the Northern Ireland peace process, tracing the genesis of EU involvement since 1979 and analysing how it acted as an arena in which to foster dialogue and positive cooperation. Based on extensive archival research and exclusive elite interviews this volume provides the first comprehensive study of how the EU contributed to the reconfiguration of Northern Ireland from a site of conflict to a site of conflict amelioration and peace-building. The book demonstrates that the relationship between Northern Ireland and the EU has been much more significant in the peace process than previously suggested.

Political accommodation in Northern Ireland, Israel and South Africa at the macro level may not, by itself, be sufficient to achieve the long-term goals of building peace and reconciliation. This book uses Lederach's peace-building model to explore issues which may provide a basis for transformation and a lasting peace in the three countries.

This book incorporates recent research that emphasizes the need for civil society and a grassroots approach to peacebuilding while taking into account a variety of perspectives, including neoconservatism and revolutionary analysis. The contributions, which include the reflections of those involved in the negotiation and implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, also provide policy prescriptions for modern conflicts.

Since the troubles began in the late 1960s, people in Northern Ireland have been working together to bring about a peaceful end to the conflict. Building Peace in Northern Irelandexamines the different forms of peace and reconciliation work that have taken place. Maria Power has brought together an international group of scholars to examine initiatives such as integrated education, faith-based peace building, cross-border cooperation, and women's activism, as well as the impact that government policy and European funding have had upon the development of peace and reconciliation organizations.

The book introduces a theoretical framework to understand the role of religious leaders in conflict transformation and peacebuilding.

A re-evaluation of the Northern Ireland peace process, which offers the fullest account available of the quest to bring an end to Europe's longest running modern conflict.

This book considers the politics of the Protestant Unionist Loyalist population in Northern Ireland during and following the peace process, and the political positioning of the main organizations representing them as they inch towards a post-conflict society. One central question remains: how, if at all, unionism has changed following the political accord and the establishment of devolved government. The book - now available in paperback - sets out in detail how senses of identity and political processes are understood within unionism, and how unionists and loyalists interpret these as a basis for social and political action. This forms the basis for an investigation of the extent to which the political settlement has been grounded within unionism, and how, in turn, unionist hegemony has been reconstructed around the interpretative frame of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). Drawing on collective memories in a particular way has enabled the DUP to convince broad strands of unionism that they have been able to best identify and resist major threats to the Union, arguing that it was their strategy which finally brought Irish republicanism to account. That reasoning justified their entry into a coalition government with Sinn Fein. This in turn has again brought to the fore the cry of 'sell-out' from other unionists, this time aimed directly at the DUP leadership.

Looks at what the idea of power-sharing meant to the different parties to the Northern Ireland conflict and examines the effects when Britain's policy of using power-sharing to regulate the troubles was abandoned in 1974.