History of the Pakistan movement, 1857-1945.

The Nationalist Manifesto (originally "The Foundations of the Nationalist Party") is a 2013 political pamphlet authored and published by the American couple Peter Vargus and Lana Weelhans. This independently distributed underground writing was widely circulated throughout the United States during the years leading up to the 2016 presidential election. The Manifesto is now recognized as the incendiary catalyst primarily responsible for the results of both the 2014 Congressional elections and the shocking events of the 2016 American presidential election.Here now for the first time is the controversial manifesto which altered the fate of a nation, published fully intact in a formal, complete, and annotated edition with a new forward by its one surviving author. It presents a lucid analysis of the ongoing ideological warfare in modern day America and incites citizens to political action along national fault lines within education, technology, economics, and governance. The Nationalist Manifesto distills Vargus and Weelhans' theories regarding how to sustain liberty and justice in a nation defined by rapid innovation, cultural diversity, and a lack of consensus authority. In their own words "Nationalists comprehend-the need for purpose, for culture, for faith, for a common vocabulary of moral and political right-the need for a moral and political right."

The Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental College (MAO), that became the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) in 1920 drew the Muslim elite into its orbit and was a key site of a distinctively Muslim nationalism. Located in New Dehli, the historic centre of Muslim rule, it was home to many leading intellectuals and reformers in the years leading up to Indian independence. During partition it was a hub of pro-Pakistan activism. The graduates who came of age during the anti-colonial struggle in India settled throughout the subcontinent after the Partition. They carried with them the particular experiences, values and histories that had defined their lives as Aligarh students in a self-consciously Muslim environment, surrounded by a non-Muslim majority. This new archive of oral history narratives from seventy former AMU students reveals histories of partition as yet unheard. In contrast to existing studies, these stories lead across the boundaries of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Partition in AMU is not defined by international borders and migrations but by alienation from the safety of familiar places. The book reframes Partition to draw attention to the ways individuals experienced ongoing changes associated with “partitioning”-the process through which familiar spaces and places became strange and sometimes threatening-and they highlight specific, never-before-studied sites of disturbance distant from the borders.

This book is regarded as a personal manifesto, a statement through the history of partition and its aftermath, of the values which India's Muslims should cherish and of the national priorities they should promote. It provides the reference-point for understanding India's Partition and its legacy.

Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani (1879 – 1957) was a political activist, Islamic scholar, and supporter of Gandhi during the struggle for India’s independence. Humane and fiercely dedicated whether campaigning against the separation of Pakistan, or in favour of democracy and inter-religious peace, he brooked no nonsense and fought relentlessly for what he believed in. Spanning a lifetime of campaigning and controversy, Barbara Metcalf’s compelling biography draws from Madani’s letters and autobiographies, as well as detailed knowledge of the prevailing political climate, to create an intimate and revealing account of one of the most important men in the history of modern Islam.

This book examines how the idea of Pakistan was articulated and debated in the public sphere and how popular enthusiasm was generated for its successful achievement, especially in the crucial province of UP (now Uttar Pradesh) in the last decade of British colonial rule in India. It argues that Pakistan was not a simply a vague idea that serendipitously emerged as a nation-state, but was popularly imagined as a sovereign Islamic State, a new Medina, as some called it. In this regard, it was envisaged as the harbinger of Islam's renewal and rise in the twentieth century, the new leader and protector of the global community of Muslims, and a worthy successor to the defunct Turkish Caliphate. The book also specifically foregrounds the critical role played by Deobandi ulama in articulating this imagined national community with an awareness of Pakistan's global historical significance.

Muslims formed a disparate and unwieldy community in Bombay in the nineteenth century. The Islam that was professedly held in common by various groups could barely provide a sense of unity or cohesion to people so widely diverse in terms of language, customs, and also of forms and practices of belief. By the middle of the nineteenth century, a class of wealthy ship owners, ship-builders, and merchants, belonging to the varied communities that constituted the city, of which Muslims formed an important part, had emerged. This class was outward-looking, modern, and generally reformist in outlook: Gujarati or Maharashtrian, its goals of social reform, education, as well as political awareness, were gradually beginning to be perceived as goals held across communities, and increasingly across different regions. The questions that were being raised in the social turmoil of the period amongst Hindus were over issues of female education, the age of marriage, widow remarriage, and female seclusion. These issues were not foreign to the Muslim community; and the part played by Muslim leaders in Bombay in discussing and negotiating them was not an insignificant one, taking into account the size and relative backwardness of the community. Within this context, this book traces the evolving identity of a Bombay family and its changing social and political views in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, using three main sources: their family journals, an individual memoir/journal, and letters written home from Europe.

This book is mainly based on primary sources like archival materials, oral evidence, newspapers and so on. Chapter 1 of the thesis analyses the gap between political leaders and the people they led, with reference to views and activities surrounding the Cabinet Mission to India. While the political leaders talked about the future of India, the people suffered communal violence and hunger. The people could not understand and even join in the discussions that were to determine their future. Chapter 2 concentrates on the Urdu journalism around 1947. This is a comparative study of three Urdu newspapers with different perspectives on the same issues. Chapter 3 describes the Muslim refugees in Delhi. Not only the refugees, but the Islamic culture was in danger at that time. The purpose of the present study is to understand and explain the hardship of those people who could not celebrate their ‘Independence’ from bottom of their hearts. This analysis may be of some help in understanding the status of the Muslim minority in India in the present day. 本著では、インド・パキスタン独立に向けての1940年代のインドにおける政策を振り返りつつ、当時の民衆、特にムスリムがどのように理解していたかを現地にて調査したものである。独立に向けて、新聞・雑誌がどのように報道、または見解を表し、それを人々がどのように受け取っていたのか。そして、独立を祝うことができなかった難民（避難民）たちを取り巻く状況の一部を描いている。本著が、現在のインドにおけるムスリム・マイノリティの立場を理解する一助となることを願っている。