This book is mainly based on primary sources like archival materials, oral evidence, newspapers and so on. Chapter 1 of the thesis analyses the gap between political leaders and the people they led, with reference to views and activities surrounding the Cabinet Mission to India. While the political leaders talked about the future of India, the people suffered communal violence and hunger. The people could not understand and even join in the discussions that were to determine their future. Chapter 2 concentrates on the Urdu journalism around 1947. This is a comparative study of three Urdu newspapers with different perspectives on the same issues. Chapter 3 describes the Muslim refugees in Delhi. Not only the refugees, but the Islamic culture was in danger at that time. The purpose of the present study is to understand and explain the hardship of those people who could not celebrate their ‘Independence’ from bottom of their hearts. This analysis may be of some help in understanding the status of the Muslim minority in India in the present day. 本著では、インド・パキスタン独立に向けての1940年代のインドにおける政策を振り返りつつ、当時の民衆、特にムスリムがどのように理解していたかを現地にて調査したものである。独立に向けて、新聞・雑誌がどのように報道、または見解を表し、それを人々がどのように受け取っていたのか。そして、独立を祝うことができなかった難民（避難民）たちを取り巻く状況の一部を描いている。本著が、現在のインドにおけるムスリム・マイノリティの立場を理解する一助となることを願っている。

Indian Muslims in the nineteenth century lived in an era of great political, social and economic change brought about by colonial rule. North Indian scholars of the Islamic sciences attributed the Muslim loss of political power to moral weaknesses within their own community. This study examines the ways in which one important school of theologians attempted to shape the renewal of their community, and is based on a close examination of the works of its leading scholar.

This book examines community-oriented formations and communal polities in pre-Partition north India, highlighting the centrality of the experience of Muslim minority provinces such as Bihar during the Partition. It shows how community, religion and nation in Bihar in the 1940s were intertwined.

Concerned with the fate of the minority in the age of the nation-state, Muslim political thought in modern South Asia has often been associated with religious nationalism and the creation of Pakistan. The Muslim Secular complicates that story by reconstructing the ideas of three prominent thinker-actors of the Indian freedom struggle: the Indian National Congress leader Abul Kalam Azad, the popular Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, and the nonviolent Pashtun activist Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Revising the common view that they were mere acolytes of their celebrated Hindu colleagues M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, this book argues that these three men collectively produced a distinct Muslim secularity from within the grander family of secular Indian nationalism; an intellectual tradition that has retained religion within the public space while nevertheless preventing it from defining either national membership or the state. At a time when many across the decolonising world believed that identity-based majorities and minorities were incompatible and had to be separated out into sovereign equals, Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan thought differently about the problem of religious pluralism in a postcolonial democracy. The minority, they contended, could conceive of the majority not just as an antagonistic entity that is set against it, but to which it can belong and uniquely complete. Premising its claim to a single, united India upon the universalism of Islam, champions of the Muslim secular mobilised notions of federation and popular sovereignty to replace older monarchical and communitarian forms of power. But to finally jettison the demographic inequality between Hindus and Muslims, these thinkers redefined equality itself. Rejecting its liberal definition for being too abstract and thus prone to majoritarian assimilation, they replaced it with their own rendition of Indian parity to simultaneously evoke commonality and distinction between Hindu and Muslim peers. Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan achieved this by deploying a range of concepts from profane inheritance and theological autonomy to linguistic diversity and ethical pledges. Retaining their Muslimness and Indian nationality in full, this crowning notion of equality-as-parity challenged both Gandhi and Nehru's abstractions and Mohammad Ali Jinnah's supposedly dangerous demand for Pakistan.

Drawing on approaches from the history of emotions, Eve Tignol investigates how they were collectively cultivated and debated for the shaping of Muslim community identity and for political mobilisation in north India in the wake of the Uprising of 1857 until the 1940s. Utilising a rich corpus of Urdu sources evoking the past, including newspapers, colonial records, pamphlets, novels, letters, essays and poetry, she explores the ways in which writing took on a particular significance for Muslim elites in North India during this period. Uncovering different episodes in the history of British India as vignettes, she highlights a multiplicity of emotional styles and of memory works, and their controversial nature. The book demonstrates the significance of grief as a proactive tool in creating solidarities and deepens our understanding of the dynamics behind collective action in colonial north India.

The Book Studies The Development Of Jinnah`S Relationship With Indian Muslims From His Entry Into Politics Until 1934. It Establishes That A Dominant View Of Jinnah - That He Was An Ambassador Of Hindu-Muslim Unity In The 1920`S Who Became A Communist In The 1940S - Is Far From The Truth. The Author Shows That The `Two Jinnahs` Approach Over-Simplifies The Trajectory Of A Complex And Evolving Political Thinker And Strategist. This Book Will Interest All Historians Of Modern India And Nationalist Politics, As Well As Those Who Find Jinnah An Intriguing And Fascinating Politician.

Culture of Encounters documents the fascinating exchange between the Persian-speaking Islamic elite of the Mughal Empire and traditional Sanskrit scholars, which engendered a dynamic idea of Mughal rule essential to the empire's survival. This history begins with the invitation of Brahman and Jain intellectuals to King Akbar's court in the 1560s, then details the numerous Mughal-backed texts they and their Mughal interlocutors produced under emperors Akbar, Jahangir (1605–1627), and Shah Jahan (1628–1658). Many works, including Sanskrit epics and historical texts, were translated into Persian, elevating the political position of Brahmans and Jains and cultivating a voracious appetite for Indian writings throughout the Mughal world. The first book to read these Sanskrit and Persian works in tandem, Culture of Encounters recasts the Mughal Empire as a polyglot polity that collaborated with its Indian subjects to envision its sovereignty. The work also reframes the development of Brahman and Jain communities under Mughal rule, which coalesced around carefully selected, politically salient memories of imperial interaction. Along with its groundbreaking findings, Culture of Encounters certifies the critical role of the sociology of empire in building the Mughal polity, which came to irrevocably shape the literary and ruling cultures of early modern India.