Daniel Russell is a good example of what Carl Degler has termed “the other South.” The son of an aristocratic eastern North Carolina family of staunch Whig-Unionists, he entered politics when the Republican party first appeared in the state after the Civil War. For more than forty years thereafter he fought the solid South mentality of the Bourbon Democrats, first as a Radical Republican judge, then as a Greenbacker congressman, and finally as a Republican governor with Populist sympathies–the only chief executive of his party that North Carolina had between Reconstruction and the 1970s. The basic themes of Russell’s political life were racial and economic in nature. As a judge on the state superior court he ruled in the Wilmington opera house case of 1873 that blacks could not be denied accommodations on the account of their race. As a congressman he embraced the cause of currency reform and the regulation of corporate enterprise. Elected governor in 1896 by an uneasy coalition of Populists and Republicans—an alliance that Crow and Durden fully examine—he pushed reforms designed to bring nonresident corporations under stricter state supervision and challenged the ninety-nine-year lease of the state-owned North Carolina Railroad to J.P. Morgan’s Southern Railway Company. The Democrats’ triumphant white-supremacy campaigns of 1898 and 1900 and the resulting disfranchisement of black voters, however, crushed these progressive initiatives, and afterward the complex and sometimes irascible Russell kept a low profile until his tern ended in 1901. His final years were taken up by a famous interstate lawsuit that he initiated to force North Carolina to pay certain Reconstruction debts it had repudiated. The reasons for Russell’s political failure while southern Progressives of the period generally succeeded shed much new light on the reform movement in the South between 1890 and 1910. Although the reforms that he took up were no more radical than those called for by his contemporaries, Crow and Durden find in this first full account of his career that “in the last analysis, Russell’s unique blend of Old South paternalism toward blacks with New South radicalism concerning currency and railway reform challenged too many taboos of race, class, and party.”

James Edward Shepard was an African-American leader between 1900 and 1947. He was, however, more than a race leader. Shepard was a minister, politician, pharmacist, entrepreneur, world traveler, civil servant, businessman, one of the founders of North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company (the world's largest African-American Life Insurance Company), president of the International Denominational Sunday School Convention, one of the founders of Mechanics and Farmers Bank of Durham, President of the North Carolina Teachers Association, and a visionary. Dr. Shepard was active in several social and fraternal organizations. He was Grand Mast of The Prince Hall Free and Accepted Masons of North Carolina, Grand Patron of the Eastern Star of North Carolina, and Secretary of Finances for the Knights of Pythia. He was on the Board of Trustees of Lincoln Hospital of Durham, the Oxford (NC) Colored Orphanage, member of the Executive Committee of the North Carolina Agricultural Society, and Field Superintendent of Work Among Negros for the International Sunday School Association. He was also an educator, historian, and scholar. He was founder and president of North Carolina Central University, the first State-supported liberal arts college for African Americans in the United States.

In telling the story of the North Carolina Railroad's independent years (1849-71), Trelease covers all aspects of the company and its development, including its construction and rolling stock; its management, labor force, and labor policies; its passenger and freight operations; and its role in the Civil War. He also assesses the impact of the railroad on the economic and social development of North Carolina. Originally published in 1991. A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

How can a state be represented by Jesse Helms and John Edwards at the same time? Journalist Rob Christensen answers that question and navigates a century of political history in North Carolina, one of the most politically vibrant and competitive southern states, where neither conservatives nor liberals, Democrats nor Republicans, have been able to rest easy. It is this climate of competition and challenge, Christensen argues, that enabled North Carolina to rise from poverty in the nineteenth century to become a leader in research, education, and banking in the twentieth. In this new paperback edition, Christensen provides updated coverage of recent changes in North Carolina's political landscape, including the scandals surrounding John Edwards and Mike Easley, the defeat of U.S. senator Elizabeth Dole, the election of the state's first woman governor, and voters' approval of an African American candidate for president. The book provides an overview of the run-up to the 2010 elections and explains how North Carolina has become, arguably, the most politically competitive state in the South.

A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

Many Excellent People examines the nature of North Carolina's social system, particularly race and class relations, power, and inequality, during the last half of the nineteenth century. Paul Escott portrays North Carolina's major social groups, focusing on the elite, the ordinary white farmers or workers, and the blacks, and analyzes their attitudes, social structure, and power relationships. Quoting frequently from a remarkable array of letters, journals, diaries, and other primary sources, he shows vividly the impact of the Civil War, Emancipation, Reconstruction, Populism, and the rise of the New South industrialism on southern society. Working within the new social history and using detailed analyses of five representative counties, wartime violence, Ku Klux Klan membership, stock-law legislation, and textile mill records, Escott reaches telling conclusions on the interplay of race, class, and politics. Despite fundamental political and economic reforms, Escott argues, North Carolina's social system remained as hierarchical and undemocratic in 1900 as it had been in 1850.

A history of North Carolina covers the social, economic, and political forces that shaped it.

In this gripping narrative of the development of the Civil Rights movement in North Carolina, Dr. John L. Godwin brings to life the infamous case of the Wilmington Ten and the subsequent allegations of conspiracy. Through extensive research and interviews, he seeks to uncover some of the truth behind the actual events of the 1972 trial, while at the same time drawing readers in with the compelling details of the movement's origins in North Carolina and its ultimate outcome in one community. Dr. Godwin underscores his effort with a comprehensive exploration of the Civil Rights movement through the eyes of the locality, comparing it incisively to the earlier protests of the 1960s. His portrait joins that of scholars who have sought to describe the transformation brought about by black leadership on the local and state level, recounting both its victories and the frustrated hopes of local activists, in addition to how the new conservatism ultimately succeeded in co-opting the movement. For Wilmington, this is set against the background of North Carolina politics and civic culture, highlighting the role of Benjamin Chavis and his rise to national prominence. Filled with pictures that personalize this troubled era of American history, Dr. Godwin's book is an essential resource, not only to historians but also to students of public policy.

Eric Anderson studies one of the most remarkable centers of black political influence in the late nineteenth century—North Carolina’s second congressional district. From its creation in 1872 as a result of gerrymandering to its collapse in the extremism of 1900, the “black second” produced increasingly effective black leaders in public office, from postmasters to prosecuting attorneys and congressmen. Race and Politics in North Carolina illuminates the complex effects upon whites of the rise of black leadership, both within the Republican party and in the larger community. Although many white Republicans found it difficult to accept an increasing role for blacks, they worked in acceptable if awkward partnership with Negro Republicans. By 1900 strident appeals for white solidarity had cracked the fragile biracial unit of the Republican second district. With the emergence of such Democratic leaders as Furnifold Simmons, Josephus Daniels, Charles B. Aycock, and Claude Kitchin—second district men all—a restrictive notion of the Negro’s place in society had triumphed in North Carolina and the nation. Eric Anderson’s study examines regional and national history. His record clarifies a confusing, uneven period of promise from the emancipation to the disfranchisement of black Americans.

In this highly original study, Gregory Downs argues that the most American of wars, the Civil War, created a seemingly un-American popular politics, rooted not in independence but in voluntary claims of dependence. Through an examination of the pleas and petitions of ordinary North Carolinians, Declarations of Dependence contends that the Civil War redirected, not destroyed, claims of dependence by exposing North Carolinians to the expansive but unsystematic power of Union and Confederate governments, and by loosening the legal ties that bound them to husbands, fathers, and masters. Faced with anarchy during the long reconstruction of government authority, people turned fervently to the government for protection and sustenance, pleading in fantastic, intimate ways for attention. This personalistic, or what Downs calls patronal, politics allowed for appeals from subordinate groups like freed blacks and poor whites, and also bound people emotionally to newly expanding postwar states. Downs's argument rewrites the history of the relationship between Americans and their governments, showing the deep roots of dependence, the complex impact of the Civil War upon popular politics, and the powerful role of Progressivism and segregation in submerging a politics of dependence that--in new form--rose again in the New Deal and persists today.