Iran is currently experiencing the most important change in its history since the revolution of 1979 and the establishment of the Islamic Republic: The regime in Tehran, traditionally ruled by the Shia clergy, is transforming into a military dictatorship dominated by the officers of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC; Sepah-e Pasdaran-e Enqelab-e Eslami). This transformation is changing not only the economy and society in Iran, but also the Islamic Republic’s relations with the United States and its allies.

Attractive, educated in Oxford, and a respected journalist, Cherry Mosteshar wanted to return to the homeland she knew as a child. Filled with ideals, she hoped to help the fundamentalist-ruled nation to enter the 20th century. Instead, she ended up a virtual slave in a nation where a woman constantly experiences fear and degradation--and is legally worth only half a man. This is her true story. Martin's Press.

Why were urban women veiled in the early 1900s, unveiled from 1936 to 1979, and reveiled after the 1979 revolution? This question forms the basis of Hamideh Sedghi's original and unprecedented contribution to politics and Middle Eastern studies. Using primary and secondary sources, Sedghi offers new knowledge on women's agency in relation to state power. In this rigorous analysis she places contention over women at the centre of the political struggle between secular and religious forces and demonstrates that control over women's identities, sexuality, and labor has been central to the consolidation of state power. Sedghi links politics and culture with economics to present an integrated analysis of the private and public lives of different classes of women and their modes of resistance to state power.

For years, Iranian academics, writers, and scholars have equated national development and progress with the reform of men’s sexual behavior. Modern intellectuals repudiated native sexuality in Iran, just as their European counterparts in France and Germany did, arguing that transforming male identity was essential to the recovery of the nation. DeSouza offers an alternate narrative of modern Iranian masculinity as an attempt to redraw social hierarchies among men. Moving beyond rigid portrayals of Islamic patriarchy and female oppression, she analyzes debates about manhood and maleness in early twentieth-century Iran, particularly around questions of race and sexuality. DeSouza presents the larger implications of Pahlavi hegemonic masculinity in creating racialized male subjects and “productive” sexualities. In addition, she explores a cross-pollination with Europe, identifying how the “East” shaped visions of European male identity.

An extraordinary memoir from an Iranian journalist in exile about leaving her country, challenging tradition and sparking an online movement against compulsory hijab. A photo on Masih's Facebook page: a woman standing proudly, face bare, hair blowing in the wind. Her crime: removing her veil, or hijab, which is compulsory for women in Iran. This is the self-portrait that sparked 'My Stealthy Freedom,' a social media campaign that went viral. But Masih is so much more than the arresting face that sparked a campaign inspiring women to find their voices. She's also a world-class journalist whose personal story, told in her unforgettably bold and spirited voice, is emotional and inspiring. She grew up in a traditional village where her mother, a tailor and respected figure in the community, was the exception to the rule in a culture where women reside in their husbands' shadows. As a teenager, Masih was arrested for political activism and was surprised to discover she was pregnant while in police custody. When she was released, she married quickly and followed her young husband to Tehran where she was later served divorce papers to the shame and embarrassment of her religiously conservative family. Masih spent nine years struggling to regain custody of her beloved only son and was forced into exile, leaving her homeland and her heritage. Following Donald Trump's notorious immigration ban, Masih found herself separated from her child, who lives abroad, once again. A testament to a spirit that remains unbroken, and an enlightening, intimate invitation into a world we don't know nearly enough about, The Wind in My Hair is the extraordinary memoir of a woman who overcame enormous adversity to fight for what she believes in, and to encourage others to do the same.

This book assesses Iran’s role in contemporary geopolitics. In particular, it examines three main intertwining circles: Iran’s development and political challenges, its relationships with neighbouring countries, as well as its relations with the major global powers — China, the European Union, Russia, and the United States. With contributions from over 20 authors, the book spans such critical aspects of contemporary geopolitics as modern history, natural resources, the economy, the social-political context, and strategic thinking. Particular focus is placed on Iran’s relations with its neighbours - Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Pakistan, and the Persian Gulf States. Furthermore, the book offers both a bilateral and multilateral dimension on how nuclear sanctions imposed on Iran have impacted its strategic planning, from the economic and military perspectives.

Are we on the cusp of détente with Iran? Conventional wisdom certainly seems to believe so. Since the start of diplomacy between the Islamic Republic and the P5+1 powers (the United States, France, England, Russia, China, Germany) in November 2013, hopes have been running high for a historic reconciliation of Iran’s clerical regime with the West. Yet there is ample reason for skepticism that the United States and its allies can truly curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions by diplomatic means. Moreover, the West’s current focus on Iran’s nuclear program is deeply dangerous insofar as it fails to recognize—let alone address—Iran’s other international activities or its foreign policy aims. Those objectives are global, and they continue to grow in scope and menace. In this sobering book, Ilan Berman illuminates the multiple dimensions of the Iranian threat and exposes the perils of lodging confidence in diplomacy with the Islamic Republic.

Understanding the foreign policy agenda and behavior of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a critical challenge for the world. But where do the principal Iranian regime actors come from in terms of political background, experiences and interests? Which types of ambitions or policy conflicts have dominated and shaped foreign policy debates since 1979? This book explains the internal policy process in Tehran by following two regime personalities, Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader, and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who before his death in January 2017 held some of the most powerful political positions in Iran. No two men have been more influential in dictating the regime's decision-making processes since 1979. Yet little is known about how their competing worldviews and interests, their key moments of dispute – both personal or policy-based – or their personal ambitions have informed the trajectory of Iranian politics. The book analyzes Khamenei and Rafsanjani's own words and writings - and accounts of them given by others - to reveal how the domestic policy contest has shaped Tehran's actions on the regional and international stage. Comprising primary and secondary Iranian sources - including untapped memoirs, newspaper reports, and Iranian electronic media and personal interviews - the book highlights the principal rivalries over the lifespan of the Islamic Republic and offers new insights into the present and future of Iranian foreign policy.

Cordial relations with neighboring countries are important to any country and are considered a strategic policy in international arena. Any country, as a member of the international community, has common land or sea borders with other countries and, of course, no country actually chooses its neighbors. As a result, it is situated in unwanted surroundings in which it cannot eliminate neighboring states. Therefore, it has to engage in suitable and constructive interaction with its neighbors. Of course, it should be noted that having good and constructive relations with neighbors is a strategic element of foreign policies of all countries. Those neighbors can potentially offer opportunities or pose threats to any given country. Moreover, diplomatic relations between countries are divided in two totally different types. The first type of relationship is a one-sided relationship in which priority is given to the interests of a powerful and hegemonic country. On the other side, the interests of the other country which is under domination of the powerful one are not usually met. This kind of relation is usually unstable and as the power of the dominated country increases, the relations do not continue in the past form and may even be severed. The second type of relations is a bilateral one in which equal attention is paid to the interests of both countries. Of course, the benefits of two countries may not be really equal in such a relationship, but relations are generally to the benefit of both sides and are usually more lasting and sustainable than the first type. It should be noted that no country restricts its diplomacy to establishment of relations with neighboring countries alone. In addition to neighbors, it will also establish relations with other countries which sway influence in international arena. Foreign policy of every country revolves around two main pivots. The first pivot is having good relations with the neighboring countries with the second one being establishment of cordial ties with powerful and influential international players or those which can help the country meet its national interests. Focus on one of these groups will never obviate the need for a country’s foreign policy to pay due attention to the other group. Iran has shared more common grounds with the Middle Eastern and Persian Gulf countries and, therefore, relations with those countries have been important to Iran and a matter of high attention. Here, we will focus on Iran's foreign policy approaches toward its northern neighbors. Iran's relations with its northern neighbors including Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Armenia have been of the second type. This means that Iran's relations with these countries have been two-way. In this type of relationship, common interests should be defined first before relations can be formed around them so that both countries will be benefited by these relations and mutual benefit will help relations to be sustained. This is a general picture of diplomatic relations between Iran and these countries Central Asian Republics emerged as self-governing sovereign countries in December, 1991 as a consequence of Soviet dissolution. Central Asia lies at the heart of Eurasian continent and utterly land-locked and geographically encircled by Russia (in the north), the Eastern Europe (in the west), Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan (in the south) and China (in the east). Any power which has a foothold or deep influence in Central Asia can have close watch to the important neighboring areas. Therefore, the region bears great geo-strategic importance. Its geo-economic importance is mainly because of the presence of vast oil and natural gas resources. Iran perceives the Central Asian region as an arena for reducing its own isolation. Hoping to make itself an attractive partner to these states, Iran has been cautious in supporting radical Islamic opposition movements in the region. Several Central Asian States (CAS), are proceeding with or contemplating energy projects that transit Iran. Prior to the disintegration of Soviet Union, the Caspian Sea was under the combined ownership of Soviet Union and Iran but the emergence of three new states, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan bordering the Caspian Sea has made the situation complex. The exclusive rights of Russia and Iran have come to be challenged. The largest oil and gas reserves are situated within the territory of these three former Soviet Republics. Iran and Turkmenistan enjoy a common cosmology and mythology through the concept of “Turan-o-Iran” a traditional mode of spatial sub division. Actually, Turan is a Persian term to designate north eastern Iran. The Iranian and Turkmen people share a great deal of traditions like the Navruz. Availability of ethnic minorities on both of the border is one of the factors facilitating close contacts between Turkmenistan and Iran. Iran has gained invaluable geopolitical advantages that may lead it to increase in its power as major player in the Turkmenistan region in the near future. Iran shares a common border with Turkmenistan. The Caspian dimension is also an important factor of the relations between Iran and Turkmenistan . They have a lengthy border; they share historic, religious, and civilization commonalty stretching back for centuries. Advancing relations with Turkmenistan, Iran is being quite pragmatic. It is after strengthening of its positions in the region and benefiting from availability of hydrocarbons in the neighboring countries and from its convenient geopolitical site at the crossroads of transit ways. Turkmen population of the northern provinces of Iran is a factor that facilitates neighborly relations. Geographically Iran and Turkmenistan play a vital role in linking Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. It is the only country, which has access to Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea ports since the mid 1990s. Turkmenistan is also aware about Iran which has a very sensitive political relationship with the West, more particularly with the United States, which has alleged that Iran provides extensive support to terrorist groups. There is also a dispute about its nuclear program, which allegedly violates the terms of Non-Proliferation Treaty. Despite several difficulties and hurdles, Turkmenistan also sees the Iranian policy in relation to this region has proved durable. In the first place, Iranian policy has vastly improved its relations with Russia, despite the potential contradictions in the Iranian and Russian policy towards Central Asia and the Caspian region. Both countries have evolved a strategic partnership with significant military and nuclear components. Secondly, they share increasing aspiration to influence the development of oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea. Iran has signed agreements with Turkmenistan, Russia, Ukraine, and China and trying to develop relations with Iran in this respect. However, due to the limited capacity of gas pipelines and the lack of any alternative export routes for natural gas, Turkmenistan requires to develop socio-economic and political relations with Iran. Iran sees Turkmenistan as transit route to rest of the Central Asian region. The construction of a 200 kilometer pipeline between the Turkmenistan town of Korpedzhe and Kord-Kuy in Iran assured the export of 8 billion cubic meters of gas each year into Iran’s network. With Iranian financing, this pipeline is expected to become part of a larger system for exporting Turkmen gas to Turkey. The steady improvement of Turkmenistan’s relations with Iran in the sphere of gas transport was symbolized by the joint decision in the summer of 2006 to increase Turkmenistan’s annual export to the Iranian grid to 14 billion cubic meters. As we know that Turkmen population of the northern provinces of Iran is also an important factor that facilitates neighborly socio-economic and political relations between Turkmenistan and Iran. The attraction both countries experience towards each other stems from the lack of choice, which is a distinct feature of the Iranian and Turkmen relations. Both countries are having active bilateral contacts because they have a lengthy border, they share historic, religious, and civilizational commonalty stretching back to centuries.Iran and Turkmenistan have interest to develop their relations for three reasons-firstly, to build ties with the neighbouring states for social, economic and political reasons in order to leave the area free for its rivals. Secondly, to break its isolation from the Gulf and the Near Eastern areas and thirdly, to become active in their region by launching its foreign policy and by reinvigorating its regional diplomacy. To achieve these objectives Turkmenistan and Iran have been intensely active in their bilateral relations.

An examination of how Iran's Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) view their history and their roles in the Iran-Iraq War.