Cordial relations with neighboring countries are important to any country and are considered a strategic policy in international arena. Any country, as a member of the international community, has common land or sea borders with other countries and, of course, no country actually chooses its neighbors. As a result, it is situated in unwanted surroundings in which it cannot eliminate neighboring states. Therefore, it has to engage in suitable and constructive interaction with its neighbors. Of course, it should be noted that having good and constructive relations with neighbors is a strategic element of foreign policies of all countries. Those neighbors can potentially offer opportunities or pose threats to any given country. Moreover, diplomatic relations between countries are divided in two totally different types. The first type of relationship is a one-sided relationship in which priority is given to the interests of a powerful and hegemonic country. On the other side, the interests of the other country which is under domination of the powerful one are not usually met. This kind of relation is usually unstable and as the power of the dominated country increases, the relations do not continue in the past form and may even be severed. The second type of relations is a bilateral one in which equal attention is paid to the interests of both countries. Of course, the benefits of two countries may not be really equal in such a relationship, but relations are generally to the benefit of both sides and are usually more lasting and sustainable than the first type. It should be noted that no country restricts its diplomacy to establishment of relations with neighboring countries alone. In addition to neighbors, it will also establish relations with other countries which sway influence in international arena. Foreign policy of every country revolves around two main pivots. The first pivot is having good relations with the neighboring countries with the second one being establishment of cordial ties with powerful and influential international players or those which can help the country meet its national interests. Focus on one of these groups will never obviate the need for a country’s foreign policy to pay due attention to the other group. Iran has shared more common grounds with the Middle Eastern and Persian Gulf countries and, therefore, relations with those countries have been important to Iran and a matter of high attention. Here, we will focus on Iran's foreign policy approaches toward its northern neighbors. Iran's relations with its northern neighbors including Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Armenia have been of the second type. This means that Iran's relations with these countries have been two-way. In this type of relationship, common interests should be defined first before relations can be formed around them so that both countries will be benefited by these relations and mutual benefit will help relations to be sustained. This is a general picture of diplomatic relations between Iran and these countries Central Asian Republics emerged as self-governing sovereign countries in December, 1991 as a consequence of Soviet dissolution. Central Asia lies at the heart of Eurasian continent and utterly land-locked and geographically encircled by Russia (in the north), the Eastern Europe (in the west), Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan (in the south) and China (in the east). Any power which has a foothold or deep influence in Central Asia can have close watch to the important neighboring areas. Therefore, the region bears great geo-strategic importance. Its geo-economic importance is mainly because of the presence of vast oil and natural gas resources. Iran perceives the Central Asian region as an arena for reducing its own isolation. Hoping to make itself an attractive partner to these states, Iran has been cautious in supporting radical Islamic opposition movements in the region. Several Central Asian States (CAS), are proceeding with or contemplating energy projects that transit Iran. Prior to the disintegration of Soviet Union, the Caspian Sea was under the combined ownership of Soviet Union and Iran but the emergence of three new states, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan bordering the Caspian Sea has made the situation complex. The exclusive rights of Russia and Iran have come to be challenged. The largest oil and gas reserves are situated within the territory of these three former Soviet Republics. Iran and Turkmenistan enjoy a common cosmology and mythology through the concept of “Turan-o-Iran” a traditional mode of spatial sub division. Actually, Turan is a Persian term to designate north eastern Iran. The Iranian and Turkmen people share a great deal of traditions like the Navruz. Availability of ethnic minorities on both of the border is one of the factors facilitating close contacts between Turkmenistan and Iran. Iran has gained invaluable geopolitical advantages that may lead it to increase in its power as major player in the Turkmenistan region in the near future. Iran shares a common border with Turkmenistan. The Caspian dimension is also an important factor of the relations between Iran and Turkmenistan . They have a lengthy border; they share historic, religious, and civilization commonalty stretching back for centuries. Advancing relations with Turkmenistan, Iran is being quite pragmatic. It is after strengthening of its positions in the region and benefiting from availability of hydrocarbons in the neighboring countries and from its convenient geopolitical site at the crossroads of transit ways. Turkmen population of the northern provinces of Iran is a factor that facilitates neighborly relations. Geographically Iran and Turkmenistan play a vital role in linking Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. It is the only country, which has access to Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea ports since the mid 1990s. Turkmenistan is also aware about Iran which has a very sensitive political relationship with the West, more particularly with the United States, which has alleged that Iran provides extensive support to terrorist groups. There is also a dispute about its nuclear program, which allegedly violates the terms of Non-Proliferation Treaty. Despite several difficulties and hurdles, Turkmenistan also sees the Iranian policy in relation to this region has proved durable. In the first place, Iranian policy has vastly improved its relations with Russia, despite the potential contradictions in the Iranian and Russian policy towards Central Asia and the Caspian region. Both countries have evolved a strategic partnership with significant military and nuclear components. Secondly, they share increasing aspiration to influence the development of oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea. Iran has signed agreements with Turkmenistan, Russia, Ukraine, and China and trying to develop relations with Iran in this respect. However, due to the limited capacity of gas pipelines and the lack of any alternative export routes for natural gas, Turkmenistan requires to develop socio-economic and political relations with Iran. Iran sees Turkmenistan as transit route to rest of the Central Asian region. The construction of a 200 kilometer pipeline between the Turkmenistan town of Korpedzhe and Kord-Kuy in Iran assured the export of 8 billion cubic meters of gas each year into Iran’s network. With Iranian financing, this pipeline is expected to become part of a larger system for exporting Turkmen gas to Turkey. The steady improvement of Turkmenistan’s relations with Iran in the sphere of gas transport was symbolized by the joint decision in the summer of 2006 to increase Turkmenistan’s annual export to the Iranian grid to 14 billion cubic meters. As we know that Turkmen population of the northern provinces of Iran is also an important factor that facilitates neighborly socio-economic and political relations between Turkmenistan and Iran. The attraction both countries experience towards each other stems from the lack of choice, which is a distinct feature of the Iranian and Turkmen relations. Both countries are having active bilateral contacts because they have a lengthy border, they share historic, religious, and civilizational commonalty stretching back to centuries.Iran and Turkmenistan have interest to develop their relations for three reasons-firstly, to build ties with the neighbouring states for social, economic and political reasons in order to leave the area free for its rivals. Secondly, to break its isolation from the Gulf and the Near Eastern areas and thirdly, to become active in their region by launching its foreign policy and by reinvigorating its regional diplomacy. To achieve these objectives Turkmenistan and Iran have been intensely active in their bilateral relations.

During the post-cold war era a power vacuum has been created in Central Asia. The great powers like United States, Russia, China and European Union want to exert their own influence in the region to meet their geo-strategic interests. The other countries like Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, India and Saudi Arabia also want to strengthen their historical, cultural, linguistic, economic and political relations with the Central Asian States. The oil and natural gas rich Central Asian States are a great source of attraction for the developed world in general and United States and Russia in particular. Iran sharing a long border with Turkmenistan, sea route with Kazakhstan and linguistic ties with Tajikistan has a comparative advantage in bringing the Central Asian States in its own fold. The Central Asian Republics emerged as independent sovereign countries in December, 1991 as a result of Soviet Union disintegration. Central Asia has inappropriately been called ‘Inmost Asia’ or ‘Innermost Asia’ but in fact, Central Asia is not Inmost Asia or Innermost Asia, it is just Central Asia. It lies at the heart of Eurasian continent, completely land-locked and geographically surrounded by Iran and Afghanistan in the south, Russia in the north, China in the east, and the Eastern Europe in the west. The Caucasus stands on the other side of the Caspian Sea which is situated in the western part of Central Asia, comprising the three countries of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia. Central Asian Republics (CARs) have had geographical, historical, social and cultural linkages with Iran. In fact, these republics were part of imperial Iranian state. Due to its geostrategic location of Central Asia and its adjoining region, in pre-industrial times Iran was a land bridge between inner South and East Asia on the one hand and Europe on the other hand. “In the wake of the industrial revolution Iran was drawn into the European imperialists power game in Central Asia.”[1] Iran is the eighteenth largest country in the world, with an area of 1,648,000 km square. Its borders are with Azerbaijan to the North-West, the Caspian Sea to the North, Turkmenistan to the North-East, Pakistan to the East, Turkey and Iraq to the West, and finally the waters of the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman to the South. [1] See A.H.H. Abidi, Iran and Central Asian States, World Focus, March-April 1993, p-45.

A comprehensive but concise overview of Iran's politics, economy, military, foreign policy, and nuclear program. The volume chronicles U.S.-Iran relations under six American presidents and probes five options for dealing with Iran. Organized thematically, this book provides top-level briefings by 50 top experts on Iran (both Iranian and Western authors) and is a practical and accessible "go-to" resource for practitioners, policymakers, academics, and students, as well as a fascinating wealth of information for anyone interested in understanding Iran's pivotal role in world politics.

Both Turkey and Iran are large and important countries in the Middle East; how these two countries relate to each other is of crucial importance both for the region and for the wider world. This book explores the diplomatic, security and energy relations of these two middle power states since 1979, analysing the impact of religious, political and social transformation on their bilateral relationship. It considers the nature of Turkey-Iran relations in the context of middle power relations theory, and goes on to look at diplomatic crises that have taken place between Turkey and Iran since 1979. The author analyses Turkey and Iran’s security relations with the wider Middle East, including the Kurdish-Turkish War, the Kurdish-Iranian War and the Kurdish-Arab War, and their impact on regional politics.

This book presents a comprehensive, systematic analysis of Russia– Iran relations in the period following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. It discusses the key areas – such as trade, arms sales, nuclear developments, and potential areas of friction in the Caspian Sea – where co-operation is possible; charts different phases of increasing and declining co-operation; and relates these changes to security considerations and domestic factors in both countries. Throughout, the book argues that the potential for co-operation between the two countries is much greater than people realize, and it concludes by assessing how Russia–Iran relations are likely to develop in future.

This book investigates the economic, political and cultural factors that influence regional economic integration processes as well as international political cooperation in the area of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The authors analyze market integration manifested in interregional trade, investment and service connections. Taking a constructivist approach, they shed new light on how national, ethnic, religious and linguistic factors as well as systems of government, political regimes and models of leadership shape foreign-policy decision-making in various post-Soviet countries.

This book analyses Iran’s foreign policy in order to better assess its relations with India and the factors that are propelling the two nations closer. In a region susceptible to power plays, how far can India-Iran partnership go? This book will be of interest to scholars of International Relations, Iranian Politics and Iranian Foreign Policy. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

Contents: (1) Background of the Iran Sanctions Act (ISA): Key Provisions: ¿Triggers¿ and Available Sanctions; Waiver and Termination Authority; Iran Freedom Support Act Amendments; Effectiveness and Ongoing Challenges: Energy Routes and Refinery Investment: Refinery Construction; Significant Purchase Agreements; Efforts in the 110th and 111th Congress to Expand ISA Application; Other Energy-Related Sanctions Ideas; (2) Relationships to Other U.S. Sanctions: Ban on U.S. Trade and Investment With Iran; Treasury Department ¿Targeted Financial Measures¿; Terrorism-Related Sanctions; Executive Order 13224; Proliferation-Related Sanctions; Efforts to Promote Divestment; Blocked Iranian Property and Assets. Tables.

This collection will explore the myriad encounters which have taken place between Iranians and Russian in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It will include some discussion of diplomacy and foreign policy but a central objective of the collection will be to widen the scholarly perspective to incorporate an understanding of other types of encounter, whether political, economic, social, cultural, or intellectual, and both friendly and hostile, especially as these developed beyond the official and elite levels. In particular it will attempt to understand the complexities of the impact on Iran of the Russian presence on its northern borders: the very expansion of Tsarist empire during the nineteenth century threatening Iran's independence yet bringing ideas of social-democracy to its doorstep, the Soviet Union in the twentieth century similarly contradictory in its effect, sustaining radical Iranian politics while advancing its own strategic interests.

This book is on Iran’s geopolitical importance representing a continuum of international competition for political gains and economic benefit, due to the country's unique geographical location that has always been a cause of contention. Iran’s massive boarders and evolving political weakness, along with influences from the kings of Qajar that maintained and strengthened Great Britain’s hegemony in the region, were major factors affecting ongoing regional conflicts. Additional roles played by other world powers such as France, Russia and the United States are also noted. Conflicts, unrest and regional wars were all consequences arising from power struggles that led to treaties and international agreements between Iran, Britain and Russia that caused the eventual loss of traditional Iranian territories. Hence, extrinsic impositions on Iran are the subject of this study as authors examine the turbulent climate that altered Iranian borders during the Qajar Dynasty.