Peter Kreeft examines the true nature of the "culture war" today, identifies the real enemies facing the church and maps out a strategy for battle.

In the wake of a bitter presidential campaign and in the face of numerous divisive policy questions, many Americans wonder if their country has split in two. Is America divided so clearly? Two of America's leading authorities on political culture lead a provocative and thoughtful investigation of this question and its ramifications.

CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title, 2022 A cultural history of how white men exploited the image of the Vietnam veteran to roll back civil rights and restake their claim on the nation “If war among the whites brought peace and liberty to the blacks,” Frederick Douglass asked in 1875, peering into the nation’s future, “what will peace among the whites bring?” The answer then and now, after civil war and civil rights: a white reunion disguised as a veterans’ reunion. How White Men Won the Culture Wars shows how a broad contingent of white men––conservative and liberal, hawk and dove, vet and nonvet––transformed the Vietnam War into a staging ground for a post–civil rights white racial reconciliation. Conservatives could celebrate white vets as raceless embodiments of the nation. Liberals could treat them as minoritized heroes whose voices must be heard. Erasing Americans of color, Southeast Asians, and women from the war, white men with stories of vets on their mind could agree, after civil rights and feminism, that they had suffered and deserved more. From the POW/MIA and veterans’ mental health movements to Rambo and “Born in the U.S.A.,” they remade their racial identities for an age of color blindness and multiculturalism in the image of the Vietnam vet. No one wins in a culture war—except, Joseph Darda argues, white men dressed in army green.

A riveting account of how Christian fundamentalists, Orthodox Jews, and conservative Catholics have joined forces in a battle against their progressive counterparts for control of American secular culture.

"Today's England is a moral-social basket case, full of violent crime, outrageous state-enforcement of political correctness, and protected Muslim extremists" Published in 2007, and hailed by conservatives, libertarians, nationalists and anarchists, Cultural Revolution, Culture War is the book that introduced the concepts of Cultural Marxism and Frankfurt School subversion to the English Right. Single-handedly and within a few weeks, it transformed the language of analysis and action on the British political right. Gabb's central thesis is that the British ruling class has, since 1997, turned itself into a totalitarian conspiracy, at war both with liberty and with tradition. It fights this war through the traditional means of state power and state propaganda, but also through its achievement of cultural hegemony. Controlling a single plot line of Eastenders is more important than a thousand editorials in The Guardian. The only response for non-leftists is to seize control of the State and to shut most of it down. The present ruling class all sucks from the nipple of the State. Stop the flow of milk, and the ruling class will collapse. Once this is done, Gabb sets out a challenging agenda of libertarian minimal statism - for all the usual libertarian reasons, but also because that is the only option at present for conservatives and the various kinds of nationalist. Now seen as a classic, this book is key to any understanding of rightist discourse in modern England. It is a must-read for activists of all persuasions, for political scientists, and for anyone who wants to understand the world in order to change it. From the Reviews: "Sean Gabb's case is that England has been taken over by a new ruling class, one that it totalitarian in its ambitions, in that it seeks to direct our thinking in every aspect of our culture. Not content with political power - indeed, its influence is more powerful and pervasive than that of government, it wants to mould our behaviour and even our thought to its own norms." (Madsen Pirie) "What comes to mind, as I read Sean's jeremiad is how silly American movement conservatives are when they glorify the "Anglosphere" and celebrate "our two countries" as paradigmatic "capitalist democracies." Today's England is a moral-social basket case, full of violent crime, outrageous state-enforcement of political correctness, and protected Muslim extremists." (Paul Gottfried) "But the remarkable fact is not our disagreement on cultural matters, but that I concur with so much of his analysis of the effect of "political correctness" and multiculturalism as ruling class ideologies. Like Gabb, I see official multiculturalism in the hands of the New Class and its state agencies as an instrument of division and control, serving a ruling class that prefers a population without the cohesion to resist." (Kevin Carson) "His new book is not the run-of-the-mill attack on political correctness that many writers indulge in; he does not merely recycle tabloid headlines, but goes deep into the heart of the political revolution known as "political correctness" that is destroying our country. He then outlines his manifesto for counter-revolution, the cornerstone of which is unilateral withdrawal from the European Union. The ground is covered in 105 pages with not a word wasted and in a style that is extremely readable as well as enlightening, a rare quality in an academic. His words hit the target as effectively as an English bowman on St Crispin's Day. Be warned, Dr Gabb pulls no punches and to many his medicine will seem extreme." (A Brief Encounter)

This comprehensive documentary report on the cultural and political state of the union explores the flashpoints of the debate over American identity and values. Culture Wars in America: A Documentary and Reference Guide places the most hotly debated issues in American society in historical context. With this book in hand, the reader can more effectively evaluate the potential social and political significance of these important conflicts. Americans have never found it easy to reconcile their differences, even while sometimes achieving a remarkable unity of purpose. Although we pride ourselves on pluralism, we struggle to find common ground on our most essential principles. Since the 1980s, events covered in this volume have increased the questioning of traditional religious values, continuing immigration and globalization, the liberalization of social mores, and differing understandings of the nation's role in a post-Cold War world. Increased partisan conflict over these issues has dominated American domestic politics and policymaking. The primary source documents collected and analyzed here reflect all of these trends, while fairly representing the contending positions that shape our contemporary political reality.

The term "culture wars" refers to the political and sociological polarisation that has characterised American society the past several decades. This new edition provides an enlightening and comprehensive A-to-Z ready reference, now with supporting primary documents, on major topics of contemporary importance for students, teachers, and the general reader. It aims to promote understanding and clarification on pertinent topics that too often are not adequately explained or discussed in a balanced context. With approximately 640 entries plus more than 120 primary documents supporting both sides of key issues, this is a unique and defining work, indispensable to informed discussions of the most timely and critical issues facing America today.

We live in a world of radical hypocrisy...Priests, Terrorists and Christian Evangelists use iPhones...access satellite Networks...drive automobiles and seem to exist in some kind of imaginary bubble untouched by reality. How is this possible? How can such a large number of people both demand modern technology while still refusing to listen to the very people who brought it to them? In an age of motor cars, electric light bulbs and rockets to the moon, more than half the world still insists on keeping their faith in God, even while the most rational minds are calling this behavior dangerous, archaic and possibly insane. Perhaps this is something we should talk about. But is anyone listening? Perhaps I should say it louder...Book features a variety of essays, both humorous and serious on the issues of Atheism, Marketing, Hypocrisy, Seduction, Religion, Psychology of Belief, New Atheism, Failures of Buddhism, The Templeton Prize, Beyond Sartre's Reef of Solipsism, and other mildly poetic thoughts.

Preaching to Convert offers an intriguing new perspective on the outreach strategies of U.S. evangelicals. Author John Fletcher frames these activities, from door-to-door proselytizing to the spirited sermons of superstar televangelists, as examples of activist performance, broadly defined here as acts performed before an audience in the hopes of changing hearts and minds. Most writing about activist performance has focused on left-progressive causes, events, and actors, and if evangelicals have appeared at all, they often appear as one-dimensional forces of ignorance or bigotry against which brave (left-leaning) activists must fight. Preaching to Convert argues against such a constricted view of activism and for a more nuanced understanding of U.S. evangelicalism as a movement defined by its desire to win converts and spread the gospel. In other words, evangelicals are activist performers par excellence. The book positions evangelicals as a diverse, complicated group confronting the loss of conservative Christianity’s default status in twenty-first–century U.S. culture. In the face of an increasingly secular age, evangelicals have been reassessing models of outreach. In acts like handing out Bible tracts to strangers on the street or going door-to-door with a Bible in hand, in elaborately staged horror-themed morality plays or multi-million-dollar creationist discovery centers, in megachurch services beamed to dozens of satellite campuses, and in controversial “ex-gay” ministries striving to return gays and lesbians to the straight and narrow, evangelicals are redefining what it means to be deeply committed in a pluralist world. The book’s engaging style and careful argumentation make it accessible and appealing to scholars and students across a range of fields.

From THE ENEMY AT HOME: “In this book I make a claim that will seem startling at the outset. The cultural left in this country is responsible for causing 9/11. … In faulting the cultural left, I am not making the absurd accusation that this group blew up the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. I am saying that the cultural left and its allies in Congress, the media, Hollywood, the nonprofit sector, and the universities are the primary cause of the volcano of anger toward America that is erupting from the Islamic world. The Muslims who carried out the 9/11 attacks were the product of this visceral rage—some of it based on legitimate concerns, some of it based on wrongful prejudice, but all of it fueled and encouraged by the cultural left. Thus without the cultural left, 9/11 would not have happened. “I realize that this is a strong charge, one that no one has made before. But it is a neglected aspect of the 9/11 debate, and it is critical to understanding the current controversy over the ‘war against terrorism.’ … I intend to show that the left has actively fostered the intense hatred of America that has led to numerous attacks such as 9/11. If I am right, then no war against terrorism can be effectively fought using the left-wing premises that are now accepted doctrine among mainstream liberals and Democrats.” Whenever Muslims charge that the war on terror is really a war against Islam, Americans hasten to assure them they are wrong. Yet as Dinesh D’Souza argues in this powerful and timely polemic, there really is a war against Islam. Only this war is not being waged by Christian conservatives bent on a moral crusade to impose democracy abroad but by the American cultural left, which for years has been vigorously exporting its domestic war against religion and traditional morality to the rest of the world. D’Souza contends that the cultural left is responsible for 9/11 in two ways: by fostering a decadent and depraved American culture that angers and repulses other societies—especially traditional and religious ones— and by promoting, at home and abroad, an anti-American attitude that blames America for all the problems of the world. Islamic anti-Americanism is not merely a reaction to U.S. foreign policy but is also rooted in a revulsion against what Muslims perceive to be the atheism and moral depravity of American popular culture. Muslims and other traditional people around the world allege that secular American values are being imposed on their societies and that these values undermine religious belief, weaken the traditional family, and corrupt the innocence of children. But it is not “America” that is doing this to them, it is the American cultural left. What traditional societies consider repulsive and immoral, the cultural left considers progressive and liberating. Taking issue with those on the right who speak of a “clash of civilizations,” D’Souza argues that the war on terror is really a war for the hearts and minds of traditional Muslims—and traditional peoples everywhere. The only way to win the struggle with radical Islam is to convince traditional Muslims that America is on their side. We are accustomed to thinking of the war on terror and the culture war as two distinct and separate struggles. D’Souza shows that they are really one and the same. Conservatives must recognize that the left is now allied with the Islamic radicals in a combined effort to defeat Bush’s war on terror. A whole new strategy is therefore needed to fight both wars. “In order to defeat the Islamic radicals abroad,” D’Souza writes, “we must defeat the enemy at home.”