The British system has been radically transformed in recent decades, far more than most of us realise. As acclaimed political scientist and bestselling author Anthony King shows, this transformation lies at the heart of British politics today. Imagining - or pretending - that the British political system and Britain's place in the world have not greatly changed, our political leaders consistently promise more than they can perform. Political and economic power is now widely dispersed both inside and outside the UK, but Westminster politicians still talk the language of Attlee and Churchill. How exactly has the British system changed? Where does power now lie? In Who Governs Britain?, King offers the first assessment in many years of Britain's governing arrangements as a whole, providing much needed context for the 2015 general election.

Providing fresh insights from the archival record, Who governs Britain? revisits the 1970-74 Conservative government to explain why the Party tried – and failed – to reform the system of industrial relations. Designed to tackle Britain’s strike problem and perceived disorder in collective bargaining, the Industrial Relations Act 1971 established a formal legal framework to counteract trade union power. As the state attempted to disengage from and ‘depoliticise’ collective bargaining practices, trade union leaders and employers were instructed to discipline industry. In just three-and-a-half years, the Act contributed to a crisis of the British state as industrial unrest engulfed industry and risked undermining the rule of law. Warner explores the power dynamics, strategic errors and industrial battles that destroyed this attempt to tame trade unions and ultimately brought down a government, and that shape Conservative attitudes towards trade unions to this day.

Who governs Britain? Is Parliament sovereign? Who chooses the Prime Minister? And who enforces the rules? The United Kingdom is in the throes of political and constitutional conflict. Tensions between different Westminster and Holyrood, and between the UK and the European Union, are part of a wider picture of constitutional flux. The United Kingdom is one of only three nations that does not have the principal provisions of the organs of state, nor is how they relate to one another and to the citizen embodied in a single document. Devolution and Brexit have given rise to calls for a codified constitution, but the debate has taken place against a background of confusion and uncertainty as to existing constitutional arrangements. We must first understand what already exists and how our constitution works today. This deeply informed and elegantly written book addresses the problems that have arisen in the context of the greatest political crisis our country has faced in decades.

When the door closes on one prime minister's rule, what happens next? General elections are only one possible way to enter 10 Downing Street. Using all relevant constitutional conventions, precedents, non-legal codes, historical events, and laws, this title offers a comprehensive account of all the circumstances in which the premiership is attained and lost. Over seven chapters, this book follows the sequence of events starting with how a prime minister can lose office, continues on to examine the procedures that then have to be followed, and considers at length the ways in which a politician can become leader of the country. Also explored are the possible emergencies, such as the sudden serious illness or even death of a prime minister, and their constitutional responses. This book concludes by looking at whether the procedures discussed could be set out in an authoritative and user-friendly code, and a sample one is suggested. Covering historical examples and modern turmoil, this book in an essential guide for understanding the rules and processes involved in choosing a prime minister.

Fronted by one of the world’s most iconic doors, 10 Downing Street is the home and office of the British Prime Minister and the heart of British politics. Steeped in both political and architectural history, this famed address was originally designed in the late seventeenth century as little more than a place of residence, with no foresight of the political significance the location would come to hold. As its role evolved, 10 Downing Street, now known simply as ‘Number 10,’ has required constant adaptation in order to accommodate the changing requirements of the premiership. Written by Number 10’s first ever ‘Researcher in Residence,’ with unprecedented access to people and papers, No. 10: The Geography of Power at Downing Street sheds new light on unexplored aspects of Prime Ministers’ lives. Jack Brown tells the story of the intimately entwined relationships between the house and its post-war residents, telling how each occupant’s use and modification of the building reveals their own values and approaches to the office of Prime Minister. The book reveals how and why Prime Ministers have stamped their personalities and philosophies upon Number 10 and how the building has directly affected the ability of some Prime Ministers to perform the role. Both fascinating and extremely revealing, No. 10 offers an intimate account of British political power and the building at its core. It is essential reading for anyone interested in the nature and history of British politics.

Politics & government.

With unrivalled political savvy and a keen sense of irony, distinguished political scientists Anthony King and Ivor Crewe open our eyes to the worst government horror stories and explain why the British political system is quite so prone to appalling mistakes.

The late 1970s were Britain's years of strife and the good life. They saw inflation, riots, the peak of trade union power - and also the birth of home computers, the rise of the ready meal and the triumph of a Grantham grocer's daughter who would change everything. Dominic Sandbrook re-creates this extraordinary period in all its chaos and contradiction, revealing it as a turning point in our recent history, where, in everything from families and schools to punk and Doctor Who, the future of the nation was being decided. 'A brilliant historian.' A. N. Wilson, Spectator 'Magnificent . . . If you lived through the late Seventies - or, for that matter, even if you didn't - don't miss this book.' Mail on Sunday 'Entertaining, engaging, masterful, a joy . . . as a storyteller, Sandbrook is superb.' Sunday Telegraph 'Sandbrook has rummaged deep into the cultural life of the era to remind us how rich it was, from Bowie to Dennis Potter, Martin Amis to William Golding.' The Times 'While Sandbrook punctures some of our favourite myths . . . what makes this book such a pleasure is the sheer, unashamed nostalgia it evokes.' Daily Telegraph 'Compulsively readable . . . Sandbrook is right to argue that the 1970s was the moment when our century arrived.' Guardian

This book explores the political and intellectual significance of Edward Heath’s leadership of the Conservative Party. It contains a series of original and distinctive chapters that feature extensive archival materials and original insights from leading political scientists and historians. The volume contributes significantly to our understanding of Conservative Party politics, leadership, and conservatism more broadly.

Although the United Kingdom’s entry to the European Community (EC) in 1973 was initially celebrated, by the end of the first year the mood in the UK had changed from ‘hope to uncertainty’. When Edward Heath lost the 1974 General Election, Harold Wilson returned to No. 10 promising a fundamental renegotiation and referendum on EC membership. By the end of the first year of membership, 67% of voters had said ‘yes’ to Europe in the UK’s first-ever national referendum. Examining the relationship between diplomacy and domestic debate, this book explores the continuities between the European policies pursued by Heath and Wilson in this period. Despite the majority vote in favour of maintaining membership, Lindsay Aqui argues that this majority was underpinned by a degree of uncertainty and that ultimately, neither Heath nor Wilson managed to transform the UK’s relationship with the EC in the ways they had hoped possible.