In the compelling anthology WHAT IS MOB MENTALITY? - 8 Essential Books on Crowd Psychology, readers are presented with a thought-provoking exploration of the psychological phenomena of group behavior. Across a variety of literary stylesfrom treatises to analytical essaysthe collection delves into the mechanics of human behavior within large groups, offering insights into how and why individuals relinquish their sense of self to the collective. Highlighting the diversity and significance of the works included, the anthology stands out for its historical depth and the timeless relevance of its themes, adeptly weaving together seminal texts that have shaped our understanding of crowd psychology. The anthology not only serves as a compendium of foundational perspectives but also as a platform for critical engagement with the subject matter. The contributing authors and editors, Charles Mackay, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Gerald Stanley Lee, Gustave Le Bon, William McDougall, Everett Dean Martin, and Wilfred Trotter, are distinguished for their pioneering contributions to social psychology and philosophy. Their collective works intersect with key moments in intellectual history, from Enlightenment thought to early twentieth-century sociology, reflecting a broad spectrum of viewpoints on mob mentality. This confluence of historical, cultural, and literary movements enables readers to appreciate the complexity of crowd dynamics, showcasing the anthologys role in fostering a nuanced understanding of collective human behavior. Scholars, students, and general readers alike will find WHAT IS MOB MENTALITY? - 8 Essential Books on Crowd Psychology an indispensable resource. This anthology not only offers educational value through its comprehensive coverage of crowd psychology but also invites readers into a dialogue with the past, encouraging a deeper interrogation of contemporary societal behaviors. Through its curated selection of texts, the collection provides a unique lens through which to explore the intricate interplay between individual agency and collective influence, making it a must-read for anyone seeking to unravel the mysteries of human social behavior.

When renowned French sociologist GUSTAVE LE BON (1841-1931), who pioneered the field of mass psychology, took a fresh, scientific look at the subject of revolution-and in particular, the French Revolution-he stripped away legend and illusion to find the core reality. In this profound and insightful work, a replica of the 1913 edition, he explores the mob mentality of revolutionaries-religious, scientific, and political-examines the motives of their leaders, and discusses how new forms of democratic belief and practice arise from popular movements. Students of history and the human mind alike will find it a fascinating read. ALSO FROM COSIMO: Le Bon's The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind

This edition brings to you Le Bon's two most celebrated works, "The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind" and "The Psychology of Revolution", which made a breakthrough in what is now known as crowd psychology. Le Bon theorised about a new entity, "psychological crowd", which emerges from incorporating the assembled population not only forms a new body but also creates a collective "unconsciousness". As a group of people gather together and coalesces to form a crowd, there is a "magnetic influence given out by the crowd" that transmutes every individual's behaviour until it becomes governed by the "group mind". Gustave Le Bon was a French polymath whose areas of interest included anthropology, psychology, sociology, medicine, invention, and physics. Ignored or maligned by sections of the French academic and scientific establishment during his life due to his politically conservative and reactionary views, Le Bon was critical of democracy and socialism. Le Bon's works were influential to such disparate figures as Theodore Roosevelt and Benito Mussolini, Sigmund Freud and José Ortega y Gasset, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin.

This carefully edited Jean-Jacques Rousseau collection has been designed and formatted to the highest digital standards and adjusted for readability on all devices. Table of Contents: Novels Emile, or On Education New Heloise (An Excerpt) Political Writings The Social Contract Discourse on the Origin of Inequality Among Men Discourse on the Arts and Sciences A Discourse on Political Economy Autobiography Confessions Criticism on Rousseau Rousseau and Romanticism (Irving Babbitt)

Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds is a study of crowd psychology by Scottish journalist Charles Mackay. The subjects of Mackay's debunking include witchcraft, alchemy, crusades, duels, economic bubbles, fortune-telling, haunted houses, the Drummer of Tedworth, the influence of politics and religion on the shapes of beards and hair, magnetizers (influence of imagination in curing disease), murder through poisoning, prophecies, popular admiration of great thieves, popular follies of great cities, and relics. Contents: Volume 1: National Delusions: The Mississippi Scheme The South Sea Bubble The Tulipomania Relics Modern Prophecies Popular Admiration for Great Thieves Influence of Politics and Religion on the Hair and Beard Duels and Ordeals The Love of the Marvellous and the Disbelief of the True Popular Follies in Great Cities Old Price Riots The Thugs, or Phansigars Volume 2: Peculiar Follies: The Crusades The Witch Mania The Slow Poisoners Haunted Houses Volume 3: Philosophical Delusions : The Alchemysts Fortune Telling The Magnetisers

This meticulously edited collection is formatted for your eReader with a functional and detailed table of contents: Emile, or On Education The Social Contract Discourse on the Origin of Inequality Among Men Discourse on the Arts and Sciences A Discourse on Political Economy Confessions New Heloise (An Excerpt)

This carefully crafted ebook: "The Collected Works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau" is formatted for your eReader with a functional and detailed table of contents. Novels Emile, or On Education New Heloise (An Excerpt) Political Writings The Social Contract Discourse on the Origin of Inequality Among Men Discourse on the Arts and Sciences A Discourse on Political Economy Autobiography Confessions Criticism on Rousseau Rousseau and Romanticism (Irving Babbitt)

The French Revolution overthrew the monarchy, established a republic, catalyzed violent periods of political turmoil, and finally culminated in a dictatorship under Napoleon who brought many of its principles to areas he conquered in Western Europe and beyond. Inspired by liberal and radical ideas, the Revolution profoundly altered the course of modern history, triggering the global decline of absolute monarchies while replacing them with republics and liberal democracies. Contents: The Old Regime in Europe The Old Regime in France Beginnings of the Revolution The Making of the Constitution The Legislative Assembly The Convention The Directory The Consulate The Early Years of the Empire The Empire at Its Height The Decline and Fall of Napoleon Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen The Social Contract The Spirit of the Laws The State of Society in France Before the Revolution

The demon is a mob, and the mob is demonic. The Democratic Party activates mobs, depends on mobs, coddles mobs, publicizes and celebrates mobs—it is the mob. Sweeping in its scope and relentless in its argument, Demonic explains the peculiarities of liberals as standard groupthink behavior. To understand mobs is to understand liberals. In her most provocative book to date, Ann Coulter argues that liberals exhibit all the psychological characteristics of a mob, for instance: Liberal Groupthink: “The same mob mentality that leads otherwise law-abiding people to hurl rocks at cops also leads otherwise intelligent people to refuse to believe anything they haven’t heard on NPR.” Liberal Schemes: “No matter how mad the plan is—Fraternité, the ‘New Soviet Man,’ the Master Race, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, Building a New Society, ObamaCare—a mob will believe it.” Liberal Enemies: “Instead of ‘counterrevolutionaries,’ liberals’ opponents are called ‘haters,’ ‘those who seek to divide us,’ ‘tea baggers,’ and ‘right-wing hate groups.’ Meanwhile, conservatives call liberals ‘liberals’—and that makes them testy.” Liberal Justice: “In the world of the liberal, as in the world of Robespierre, there are no crimes, only criminals.” Liberal Violence: “If Charles Manson’s followers hadn’t killed Roman Polanski’s wife, Sharon Tate, Clinton would have pardoned him, too, and he’d probably be teaching at Northwestern University.” Citing the father of mob psychology, Gustave Le Bon, Coulter catalogs the Left’s mob behaviors: the creation of messiahs, the fear of scientific innovation, the mythmaking, the preference for images over words, the lack of morals, and the casual embrace of contradictory ideas. Coulter traces the history of the liberal mob to the French Revolution and Robespierre’s revolutionaries (delineating a clear distinction from America’s founding fathers), who simply proclaimed that they were exercising the “general will” before slaughtering their fellow citizens “for the good of mankind.” Similarly, as Coulter demonstrates, liberal mobs, from student radicals to white-trash racists to anti-war and pro-ObamaCare fanatics today, have consistently used violence to implement their idea of the “general will.” This is not the American tradition; it is the tradition of Stalin, of Hitler, of the guillotine—and the tradition of the American Left. As the heirs of the French Revolution, Democrats have a history that consists of pandering to mobs, time and again, while Republicans, heirs to the American Revolution, have regularly stood for peaceable order. Hoping to muddy this horrifying truth, liberals slanderously accuse conservatives of their own crimes—assassination plots, conspiracy theorizing, political violence, embrace of the Ku Klux Klan. Coulter shows that the truth is the opposite: Political violence—mob violence—is always a Democratic affair. Surveying two centuries of mob movements, Coulter demonstrates that the mob is always destructive. And yet, she argues, beginning with the civil rights movement in the sixties, Americans have lost their natural, inherited aversion to mobs. Indeed, most Americans have no idea what they are even dealing with. Only by recognizing the mobs and their demonic nature can America begin to defend itself.