This is the story of how Title IX, a 1972 law intended to ban sex discrimination in education, became a monster that both the federal government and many college administrators treat as though it supersedes both the U.S. Constitution and hundreds of years of common law. It's a story about the victims of this law—men and women both—and of the unaccountable government bureaucrats at the Departments of Education and Justice who repeatedly prioritize an extreme brand of politics over free speech, fundamental fairness, and basic human decency. But while help may come too late for many of the present victims of Title IX abuse, there are still measures that colleges and courts can take to curb these abuses until Congress acts—or we see a Presidential administration that cares more about restoring justice and the rule of law than it does about sex and gender politics.

From a leading constitutional scholar, an important study of a powerful mode of government control: the offer of money and other privileges to secure submission to unconstitutional power. The federal government increasingly regulates by using money and other benefits to induce private parties and states to submit to its conditions. It thereby enjoys a formidable power, which sidesteps a wide range of constitutional and political limits. Conditions are conventionally understood as a somewhat technical problem of Òunconstitutional conditionsÓÑthose that threaten constitutional rightsÑbut at stake is something much broader and more interesting. With a growing ability to offer vast sums of money and invaluable privileges such as licenses and reduced sentences, the federal government increasingly regulates by placing conditions on its generosity. In this way, it departs not only from the ConstitutionÕs rights but also from its avenues of binding power, thereby securing submission to conditions that regulate, that defeat state laws, that commandeer and reconfigure state governments, that extort, and even that turn private and state institutions into regulatory agents. The problem is expansive, including almost the full range of governance. Conditions need to be recognized as a new mode of powerÑan irregular pathwayÑby which government induces Americans to submit to a wide range of unconstitutional arrangements. Purchasing Submission is the first book to recognize this problem. It explores the danger in depth and suggests how it can be redressed with familiar and practicable legal tools.

The success of the Trump presidency will be judged in large part on his ability to reduce the size and scope of the deep state. The unelected, unaccountable permanent bureaucratic leviathan that winds itself around the body and squeezes its life out must be dismantled if Trump’s legacy is to be a permanent restoration of republican government. Fortunately, his administration is doing that. Quietly and without fanfare he is reducing oppressive regulation and reining in what has become the fourth, all-powerful branch of government. There is much yet to be done, but less than two years in, President Trump has taken steps to return power to its rightful home—the sovereign American citizen.

What would happen if the maniacal tyranny in Pyongyang took over the vibrant democracy of South Korea? Today, there is a real possibility that the destitute North Korean regime will soon dominate its thriving southern neighbor, with help from the government in Seoul itself. More than any South Korean president before him, Moon Jae-in is intent on achieving Korean union, even if it’s done on Pyongyang’s terms. To that end, he has been making South Korea compatible with the totalitarian North, and distinctly less free. He is also removing defenses to infiltration and invasion and taking steps to end his country’s only real guarantee of security, the alliance with the United States. If Moon’s policy results in handing Kim Jong Un a “final victory” and South Korea falls to despotism, America will lose the anchor of its western defense perimeter, and the free world will be at risk.

The United Nations is failing abysmally, and dangerously, in its mission. Founded in 1945 as a vehicle to avert war and promote human dignity and freedom, the U.N. has instead become a self-serving and ever-expanding haven of privilege for the world’s worst regimes, rife with bigotry, fraud, abuse, and corruption, both financial and moral. Yet the American foreign policy community treats it as taboo to speak seriously about sidelining, supplanting, or leaving the U.N. The usual argument is that the U.N. may be imperfect, but it’s all we’ve got. In this Broadside, Claudia Rosett explains why the U.N.’s basic design means it cannot really be reformed and why it is becoming ever more urgent to seek alternatives. Rosett argues that it’s time to break the taboo, and to bring fully into America’s foreign policy debates the question of how to dispense with the U.N. altogether.

American educators have consistently splintered our humanity into pieces throughout higher education’s history. Although key leaders of America’s colonial colleges shared a common functional understanding of humans as made in God’s image with a robust but vulnerable moral conscience, latter moral philosophers did not build upon that foundation. Instead, they turned to shards of our identity to help students find their moral bearings. They sought to create ladies and gentlemen, honorable students, and finally, good professionals. As a result, fragmentation ensued as university leaders pitted these identity fragments against each other inciting a war of attrition. As the war of identities raged, its effects spilled out beyond the bounds of the curriculum into the co-curricular dimension that struggled with moving beyond being en loco parentis. The major identity they cultivated was that of being a political citizen. Thus, the major identity and story of students’ lives became the American political story of democracy—what I call Meta-Democracy. In higher education guided by Meta-Democracy, students lose their autonomy to administrators who reduce the student identities they try to develop along with the range of virtues that comprise the good life. The Dismantling of Moral Education: How Higher Education Reduced the Human Identity explains why and how we arrived at diminishing ourselves.

Freedom of speech is a fundamental aspect of American democracy, and university campuses have historically been central to the free speech debate through serving as protectors of this constitutional right. In recent years, campuses have returned to the center of this debate as our notion of what kinds of speech are acceptable and how speech should be controlled continues to develop. With the rise of trigger warnings, designated free-speech zones, and controversial speakers being disinvited from lecturing at universities, the question of whether campuses continue to represent the future of free speech or symbolize its repression has become progressively urgent.

The first volume of its kind, this provocative book evaluates the construct of cultural competence from multiple perspectives. At the intersection of diverse disciplines and domains, contributors argue for greater clarity in understanding the cultural competence construct, a deeper level of analysis as to its multifaceted components, and call for concrete practical objectives and science-based means of measurement. Serious, nuanced discussion addresses challenges, strengths, and limitations of current cultural competence practice in terms of sociocultural concepts (e.g., race, ethnicity) and practical concepts (e.g., sensitivity in the therapeutic relationship, treatment efficacy). In addition, contributors identify future directions for research, training, and practice with the potential to spur the further evolution of this clinically important construct. This timely book: Critiques the cultural competence construct and its evaluation as it is currently disseminated within applied psychology. Compares and contrasts how cultural competence is defined within clinical, school, and counseling psychology. Analyzes difficulties and challenges in understanding the cultural competence construct as evaluated through the lens of closely related fields outside of applied psychology. Spotlights complexities in cultural competence issues pertaining to specific populations. Sets out implications for education and training, offering a detailed outline for an ideal college course in cultural competence With this level of reasoning and rigor, Cultural Competence in Applied Psychology is sure to stimulate long-overdue dialogue and debate among professionals across a wide variety of fields, such as clinical psychology, social work, child and social psychology, psychotherapy, school psychology, and counseling.

This brief rhetoric of argument with an anthology of readings on contemporary issues takes a non-Toulmin based approach to writing arguments in an electronic age. By stressing the rhetorical situation and the audience, the rhetoric avoids complicated terminology in favor of providing students with the practical means to find "good reasons" for the positions they want to advocate. The rhetoric includes readings by professional and student writers, including a pivotal selection from Rachel Carson's extraordinarily influential argument, Silent Spring. The anthology reprints over 60 arguments on interesting current issues: the environment, affirmative action, censorship, Title IX, substance abuse, gay rights, and "the body."

In this essential primer on the key themes in sports law, Jack Anderson explains how law has become important to all aspects of sport, including participation, administration and the resolution of disputes. Crossing legal jurisdictions and sporting codes, it covers issues ranging from ambush marketing to broadcasting, corruption and doping.