Three countries, Philippines, Malaysia, and Singapore, each represent a different security relationship with the U.S. The U.S. has had a long security tie with the Philippines. Although there are no longer house American forces, the Mutual Defense Treaty remains in effect. Malaysia has taken a approach to its national security by employing a more neutral orientation by not antagonizing China. Singapore has been more proactive in developing its security ties with the U.S. It has taken specific steps in the effort to keep the U.S. engaged in the region. The first section outlines the nature of the U.S. military presence in East Asia from the Cold War to post-Cold War periods. The second identifies some real and potential security threats in the region from the American perspective. The final section reports the results of a series of more than 50 interviews conducted in Washington and in each of the three countries, Philippines, Malaysia, and Singapore, based on the following questions of vital national security objectives and threats.

This book explores elite perceptions of the external threats facing the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), drawing on Dr. Tilman's interviews with senior political, military, and intellectual leaders in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. He supplements his interviews with an examination of their writings, speeches, and other public statements, which he examines in the context of the history, geography, culture, and governmental structures of each country. He addresses the fundamental questions of the extent to which these perceptions differ and why. His focus throughout is on subjective reality--the world as it is perceived by the leadership of the ASEAN nations.

This book examines perceptions of the 'China Threat', and government policies in response to the perceived threat in a wide range of countries and areas, including the US, Russia, Europe, Japan, South Asia, Southeast Asia and the Middle East.

This volume investigates the nature of threats facing, or perceived as facing, some of the key players involved in Asian maritime politics. The articles in this collection present case studies on Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Japan, China, and Southeast Asia as a whole and focus on domestic definitions of threats and conceptualisations of security. These studies map the differing understandings of danger in this region and explore how contending narratives of "threats" and "security" affect the national maritime security policy deliberations within the countries of this region. Those interested in maritime security and management in Asia will find this collection an invaluable addition to the literature on this topic.

This study looks at factors affecting perceptions of external threats held by the leadership of each of the five ASEAN member-states. Five relevant 'dimensions' are identified (structural, geopolitical, historical, sociocultural, and economic), and the perceptions of the five states' leaders of the major external threats facing their nations are examined on these dimensions.

Mahathir Mohamad turned Malaysia into one of the developing world's most successful economies. He adopted pragmatic economic policies alongside repressive political measures and showed that Islam was compatible with representative government and modernization. He emerged as a Third World champion and Islamic spokesman by standing up to the West.

Since the end of the Cold War, one of the most significant debates in international relations has been the question of whether the rise of China as a major economic, political and military power will be a force for stability or instability in the international system and the East Asian region. Forceful arguments have been put forward on both sides. This book examines perceptions of the 'China Threat', and governments' policies in response to the perceived threat in a wide range of countries, including the United States, Russia, Europe, Japan, South Asia, South-East Asia and the Middle East, as well as the perceptions of the Chinese themselves. For each country current security concerns and policies, especially the policy of engagement, are examined in detail, and future prospects for relations with China are assessed. As the Bush administration in Washington increasingly focuses on China as a 'strategic competitor' and Sino-US relations becomes increasingly tense, the 'China Threat' issue has come to dominate the security agenda in the Asia-Pacific region, and now poses the biggest foreign policy challenge of the 21st century.

Since the early 1990s and the end of the Cold War, the implications of China's rising power have come to dominate the security agenda of the Asia-Pacific region. This book is the first to comprehensively chart the development of Southeast Asia’s relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from 1949 to 2010, detailing each of the eleven countries’ ties to the PRC and showing how strategic concerns associated with China's regional posture have been a significant factor in shaping their foreign and defence policies. In addition to assessing bilateral ties, the book also examines the institutionalization of relations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China. The first part of the book covers the period 1949-2010: it examines Southeast Asian responses to the PRC in the context of the ideological and geopolitical rivalry of the Cold War; Southeast Asian countries’ policies towards the PRC in first decade of the post-Cold War era; and deepening ties between the ASEAN states and the PRC in the first decade of the twenty-first century. Part Two analyses the evolving relationships between the countries of mainland Southeast Asia - Vietnam, Thailand, Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia - and China. Part Three reviews ties between the states of maritime Southeast Asia - Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Brunei and East Timor - and the PRC. Whilst the primary focus of the book is the security dimension of Southeast Asia-China relations, it also takes full account of political relations and the burgeoning economic ties between the two sides. This book is a timely contribution to the literature on the fast changing geopolitics of the Asia-Pacific region.

This edited volume analyses the naval arms race in South-East Asia, and reviews the content, purposes and consequences of the naval policies and development of the main countries of the region. The rise of naval capability in the countries of the Asia-Pacific Region is increasingly recognised as a major indicator of the ‘rise of Asia’ and its increasing importance in the world’s political, economic and strategic future. Most coverage focusses solely on the navies of the 'big four' – the US, China, India and Japan; however, the region’s other navies, though much smaller, are significant too. Given the current focus on the South China Sea and the Obama administration’s pivot to Asia, naval development in South-East Asia is of particular relevance. This book first identifies the issues involved in defence acquisition in this area. It then goes on to establish some templates of naval modernisation as a means of assessing the policies of individual countries in the region, by looking at the naval policies of the big four. Finally, the general issue of naval modernisation in South-East Asia is illustrated through a more detailed examination of some of the major issues common to all countries of the area. These include the defence-industrial perspective, specific examinations of submarine and surface ship acquisition processes, and a review of the balance to be struck between naval and coastguard forces in the area. This book will be of much interest to students of naval power, maritime security, South-East Asian politics, strategic studies, and IR in general.