Forty-five years after women's liberationists first laid down their challenge, chanting 'Women demand equality!' and 'I'm a second-class citizen', their narratives are now so universally accepted that few people dare speak truth to the power in the land that feminism has undoubtedly become. However, this book does just that. Opening with a startling revelation in 2014 by Mallory Millett, sister of Kate Millett - a mentally-ill Marxist apologist, and probably the prime mover in the women's liberation movement around 1970 - Their Angry Creed is a detailed exposé of what she and her co-conspirators were planning from the start. The author shows how these activists influenced a generation of women - many of whom are now in prominent and powerful positions - to seek a seismic shift in the power balance between women and men by dividing society along the fault line of gender. Feminism has never been about equality for women. It is cultural Marxism, whose principles uphold matriarchy - the social superiority of women - which is to be achieved through the destruction of marriage, the re-engineering of the family, moving women en masse out of the home and into the workforce, and the disruption of society as we know it. Describing how these activists have already secured unreasonable and unfair privilege for women and girls, he points to the demonisation of manhood, men's effective social emasculation, the invasion of men's social spaces to the point of harassment, and the relentless excision of fathers from families. He ends by warning of a coming backlash from men.

Forty-five years after women's liberationists first laid down their challenge, chanting 'Women demand equality!' and 'I'm a second-class citizen', their narratives are now so universally accepted that few people dare speak truth to the power in the land that feminism has undoubtedly become. However, this book does just that. Opening with a startling revelation in 2014 by Mallory Millett, sister of Kate Millett - a mentally-ill Marxist apologist, and probably the prime mover in the women's liberation movement around 1970 - Their Angry Creed is a detailed expose of the gender class war they initiated in those days. Showing how these activists influenced a generation of baby-boom women - many of whom are now in prominent and powerful positions - to seek a seismic shift in the power balance between women and men, the author explains how they have been spectacularly successful in conforming Western democracies to their Marxist worldview, destabilising their societies in the process, by dividing them along the fault line of gender. And, like in the dystopian communist countries Marxists created, feminists are positioning themselves to become a powerful ruling elite that runs society for its own benefit, building a gigantic gravy train upon which only its members have a ticket. Feminism has never been about equality for women, it has no interest in the liberal Enlightenment ideals of equality of opportunity based on merit and the just distribution of social benefit. Feminism is cultural Marxism. It seeks a communist-utopian definition of equality qua sameness: parity disconnected from achievement through merit and ability; and divorced from skills and attributes. For examples of this in action, we need only look at the power-hungry women who are using this false form of equality to gain equal representation in the boardroom, on no other merit than that they are a female: and in politics, where the British Labour Party's shameless pursuit of positive discrimination through all-women prospective parliamentary candidate short lists amounts to flagrant flouting of the democratic process. We see it in the appointment of women bishops in the church of England, and in the vast numbers of women who are taking over command of the police and the armed forces, where feminists are now even demanding that women take up combat roles. And all this is at the expense of the majority of ordinary women who are struggling to meet a myriad of conflicting pressures, and satisfying none. Feminists, whose principal aim is to overturn patriarchy, seek to replace it with a Marxist matriarchy - the social superiority of women - which they are achieving through the destruction of 'bourgeois' marriage, moving mothers of very young children into the workforce en masse and encouraging them to leave their children's early-years care to strangers who are effectively being subsidised by the state; and reengineering the family as the principal building block of society to exclude fathers who are the embodiment of patriarchy. Warning that the feminist elite's endgame is the final overturning of men's social power, and that we are already well on the way to seeing this come about, the author warns of a coming backlash from men."

Extracts from Erin Pizzey's Foreword: ‘Mike Buchanan is a very brave man. I've known other men who've tried to draw the public's attention to the damage done by the radical feminist movement. Many lost their jobs and none of them were able to find a publisher for their books. Men have been thrown out of their own houses and unjustly accused of domestic violence towards their partners, and some of sexually abusing their children. The legitimate interests of men in Western society are being systematically assaulted by radical feminists and this book goes a long way to providing the evidence. Men are starting to campaign more effectively for their interests, though they have a long way to go before they halt the tide of radical feminist influence, let alone start to reverse it. Feminists can also expect more challenging from another quarter. An increasing number of women are summoning up the courage to openly criticise them. This shouldn't surprise us, given that the vast majority of women don't share the radical feminists' political ideology. With every year that passes more women become aware of the damage man-hating and family-hating radical feminists wreak on society in general, and women's interests in particular. These women are becoming more vocal, and their number is on the rise... How much more damage will feminists be allowed to wreak before they're more widely recognised as the evil women they are?' This book provides long-awaited answers to over 50 of the most challenging questions in the modern era including: 1. Are you a misogynist if you only hate feminists? 2. What is feminism in the modern era? 3. How do radical feminists view the world? 4. Are feminists less intelligent than normal women? 5. Are feminists less attractive than normal women? 6. Do feminists suffer from PPS (Permanent Premenstrual Syndrome)? 7. Why do feminists deny the different natures of men and women? 8. Why must taxpayers stop financing Women's Studies and Gender Studies courses? 9. What are the big fat feminist fantasies, lies, delusions and myths? 10. Are feminists delusional? Is the pope a Catholic? Do bears crap in woods? 11. How are feminists killing men and women? 12. Are some feminists (e.g. Tracey Emin) a pain in the arts? The book contains an appendix of quotations and ends with a sample chapter titled ‘Would you like to have sex with my wife?' from Mike Buchanan's international bestseller ‘Two Men in a Car (a businessman, a chauffeur, and their holidays in France)'. It also contains the plate section from the book (16 photographs).

In After #MeToo, Gerard Casey provides a critical assessment of the #MeToo movement, situating it in the context of the radical feminism of which it is just the latest manifestation. Apart from its legitimating an indiscriminate attack on men and masculinity, Casey argues that the #MeToo movement has exposed a conceptual fault-line in radical feminist anthropology. Are women fully-developed moral agents, able to exercise moral choice and to take responsibility for what they do; or are women elements of a collective made up of the victims of sexual crimes, whose suffering is not just that of any one individual woman but of the group as a whole? Casey's analysis of the #MeToo movement is prefaced by a brief typology of forms of feminism and by an account of the supposedly universal oppression of women by a malign patriarchy. He argues that if there is such a thing as the patriarchy, it is singularly and spectacularly ineffectual in its operation inasmuch as women, on the whole, are not only not oppressed in comparison to men but are rather the beneficiaries of legal and social privileges. After #MeToo concludes with a consideration of the changing legal definitions of rape. Once understood to be essentially a crime of violence, rape has now come to be regarded as a violation of personal autonomy. In common law systems, a certain conception of consent is now central to the definition of rape, a conception that, Casey argues, is unworkable, at once infantilising women and, at the same time, potentially criminalising every sexual encounter in which a man is involved.

Feminist ideology has seeped into every aspect of our society. This book is a sobering true story of tragedy, suicide, and murder directly caused by feminism. It not only chronicles true stories that show feminism's discrimination against men, it's backed by peer-reviewed research. Additionally, it includes investigative journalism that proves feminism was never about equality. The reality is that feminism doesn't just victimize men. It also victimizes women, children, families, and communities.

A page-turning novel that is also an exploration of the great philosophical concepts of Western thought, Jostein Gaarder's Sophie's World has fired the imagination of readers all over the world, with more than twenty million copies in print. One day fourteen-year-old Sophie Amundsen comes home from school to find in her mailbox two notes, with one question on each: "Who are you?" and "Where does the world come from?" From that irresistible beginning, Sophie becomes obsessed with questions that take her far beyond what she knows of her Norwegian village. Through those letters, she enrolls in a kind of correspondence course, covering Socrates to Sartre, with a mysterious philosopher, while receiving letters addressed to another girl. Who is Hilde? And why does her mail keep turning up? To unravel this riddle, Sophie must use the philosophy she is learning—but the truth turns out to be far more complicated than she could have imagined.

Emotions work to define who we are as well as shape what we do and this is no more powerfully at play than in the world of politics. Ahmed considers how emotions keep us invested in relationships of power, and also shows how this use of emotion could be crucial to areas such as feminist and queer politics. Debates on international terrorism, asylum and migration, as well as reconciliation and reparation, are explored through topical case studies. In this book the difficult issues are confronted head on. The Cultural Politics of Emotion is in dialogue with recent literature on emotions within gender studies, cultural studies, sociology, psychology and philosophy. Throughout the book, Ahmed develops a theory of how emotions work, and the effects they have on our day-to-day lives. New for this editionA substantial 15,000-word Afterword on 'Emotions and Their Objects' which provides an original contribution to the burgeoning field of affect studiesA revised BibliographyUpdated throughout.

In almost all critical writings on the horror film, woman is conceptualised only as victim. In The Monstrous-Feminine Barbara Creed challenges this patriarchal view by arguing that the prototype of all definitions of the monstrous is the female reproductive body.With close reference to a number of classic horror films including the Alien trilogy, T

The experience of modernization -- the dizzying social changes that swept millions of people into the capitalist world -- and modernism in art, literature and architecture are brilliantly integrated in this account.

Human rights offer a vision of international justice that today’s idealistic millions hold dear. Yet the very concept on which the movement is based became familiar only a few decades ago when it profoundly reshaped our hopes for an improved humanity. In this pioneering book, Samuel Moyn elevates that extraordinary transformation to center stage and asks what it reveals about the ideal’s troubled present and uncertain future. For some, human rights stretch back to the dawn of Western civilization, the age of the American and French Revolutions, or the post–World War II moment when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was framed. Revisiting these episodes in a dramatic tour of humanity’s moral history, The Last Utopia shows that it was in the decade after 1968 that human rights began to make sense to broad communities of people as the proper cause of justice. Across eastern and western Europe, as well as throughout the United States and Latin America, human rights crystallized in a few short years as social activism and political rhetoric moved it from the hallways of the United Nations to the global forefront. It was on the ruins of earlier political utopias, Moyn argues, that human rights achieved contemporary prominence. The morality of individual rights substituted for the soiled political dreams of revolutionary communism and nationalism as international law became an alternative to popular struggle and bloody violence. But as the ideal of human rights enters into rival political agendas, it requires more vigilance and scrutiny than when it became the watchword of our hopes.