Study of economic structure and economic development of the West Bank and Gaza Strip territorys under Israeli occupation since 1967 - examines development potential, structural change, economic implications, social implications, population characteristics, labour force participation, employment opportunity, labour productivity, vocational training, wages, occupational structure; discusses agricultural development, manufacturing, mining, service sector, trade, etc.; considers economic policies, trade policies, and the future of the territories.

The West Bank has for generations been the core area of the Palestinian-Arab community and of its national movement. Since 1967, it has become the main area of confrontation in the prolonged conflict between Palestinian-Arab and Jewish-Zionist nationalism. The Palestinian armed organization, the PLO – which has undertaken to lead the nationalist struggle of their people – was for long periods unable to operate on the West Bank because of strict security measures taken by the Jordanian and Israeli governments respectively. Consequently, the Palestinian mayors in the West Bank, who under Jordanian rule (1948-1967) had served as ruling instruments of the government, gradually became under Israeli control the political spokesmen of their communities. This book, first published in 1984, examines this remarkable change in the role of the West Bank Palestinian mayors, and their transformation since the early 1970s from conservative-moderate figures into radical-nationalist leaders. Against the background of the developing Palestinian and Israeli militant nationalism in the West Bank, the study analyses the complex relations between these new leaders and the governments of Israel and Jordan as well as the PLO command, until their final eviction by Israel in 1982.

This book offers the only comprehensive overview of the Palestinian economy in the West Bank and Gaza. It focuses on the unique features of this unusual economy during the last thirty years. Under Israeli occupation, the Palestinian economy suffered from poorly developed domestic labor and capital markets, and considerable dependence on the highly developed Israeli economy for employment, trade and financial resources. The book analyses past trends, present conditions and alternative arrangements for the future. A comprehensive data set is used and, for the first time, the public is presented with a detailed picture of the Palestinian economy, with tables and graphs. The authors propose new institutional arrangements between the Palestinian and Israeli economies - an economic filters plan - which will promote neither total integration nor total separation. The book will be of great value to anyone interested in the political economy of the Middle East, the economics of occupation and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Analysis of political problems and social conflict in the community relations between Palestinians and Israelis in the West Bank Israeli administered territory since 1967 - outlines relevant political theories and historical origins of the conflict, partic. The partition of Palestine; examines the role of Jordan 1948-1967, the area's economic growth and political development, the role of the PLO national liberation movement, Israel's changing political ideology, emphasis on West Bank human settlement and the war in Lebanon. Bibliography, statistical tables.

The West Bank and Gaza Strip, occupied by Israel since 1967, have stagnated in the number employed (some 17,000) in domestic industry for 20 years and in the percentage contribution (8.5 per cent) to the gross domestic product. Their 4,000 establishments are mostly workshops employing on average just over four workers. Food and textiles are the dominant industries and there is much sub-contracting for Israeli firms. Some 90 per cent of industrial imports come from or through Israel and some 70 per cent of their industrial exports go to Israel, with the remainder going to or through Jordan. There are many barriers to the development of industry in the occupied territories but they overwhelmingly have their origin in the occupation itself and to a lesser degree result from difficulties made by Jordan. The Military Government runs the territories to ensure not only military security but also Israel's "economic security." Three alternative economic scenarios are projected to 1997 based on three possible futures facing the territories: (a) a conservative scenario based on continuing the occupation in its present form (status quo); (b) a reformist scenario in which both Israel and Jordan liberalize their policies within the framework of continued occupation; and (c) a radical scenario in which Israel leaves the territories in return for peace, and a separate Palestinian entity is established. In terms of industrial development the conservative scenario would yield minimal results, the reformist scenario some minor improvements in the "quality of life," and the radical scenario would result in rapid industrial development and settlement of returning refugees.

The Palestinian Authority in the West Bank explores the manner in which the Palestinian Authority’s performative acts affect and shape the lives and subjective identities of those in its vicinity in the occupied West Bank. The nature of Palestinians’ statelessness has to contend with the rituals of statecraft that the Palestinian Authority (PA) and its Palestinian functionaries engage in. These rituals are also economically maintained by an international donor community and are vehemently challenged by Palestinian activists, antagonistic to the prevalence of the statist agenda in Palestine. Conceptually, the understanding of the PA’s ‘theater of statecraft’ is inspired by Judith Butler’s conception of performativity as one that encompasses several repetitive and ritual performative acts. The authors explore what they refer to as the ‘fuzzy state' (personified in the form and conduct of the PA) looks like for those living it, from the vantage point of PA institutions, NGOs, international representative offices, and activists. Methodologically, the book adopts an ethnographic approach, by way of interviews and observations in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem. The Palestinian Authority in the West Bank makes an important and long-due intervention by integrating performance studies and politics to suggest an understanding of the theatrics of woeful statecraft in Palestine. The book is an essential resource for students and scholars interested in the study of the state, International Relations and Politics, Palestine Studies, and the Middle East.

Controversy surrounds Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank, and the radical national and religious agendas at play there have come to define the area in the minds of many. This study, however, provides an alternative framework for understanding the process of "normalization" in the life of Jewish residents. Considering a wider range of historical and structural factors in which the colonization of the West Bank developed it allows placing its origins and everyday reality into a wider perspective. The works collected consider the transformation of the landscape, the patterns of relationships shared by the region's residents, Palestinian and Jewish alike, and the lasting effects of Israel's settlement policy. Stressed in particular are such factors as urban planning, rising inequality and the retreat of the welfare state, and the changing political economy of industry and employment. In doing so, the authors collected here provide new insight into the integration and segregation processes that are an integral part of the broader historical trends shaping Israel/Palestine.