"The Transformation of Urban Liberalism" re-evaluates the dramatic and turbulent political decade following the 'Third Reform Act', and questions whether the Liberal Party's political heartlands - the urban boroughs - really were in decline. In contrast to some recent studies, it does not see electoral reform, the Irish Home Rule crisis and the challenge of socialism as representing a fundamental threat to the integrity of the party. Instead this book illustrates, using parallel case studies, how the party gradually began to transform into a social democratic organisation through a re-evaluation of its role and policy direction. This process was not one directed from the centre - despite the important personalities of Gladstone and Rosebery - but rather one heavily influenced by 'grass roots politics'. Consequently, it suggests that late Victorian politics was more democratic and open than sometimes thought, with leading urban politicians forced to respond to the demands of party activists. Changes in the structure of urban rule produced new policy outcomes and brought new collectivist forms of New Liberalism onto the political agenda. Thus, it is argued that without the political transformations of the decade 1885-1895, the radical liberal governments of the Edwardian era would not have been possible.

This book addresses the increasing regionalisation of urban governance and politics in an era of industrialisation, suburbanisation and welfare extension. It provides an important reassessment of the role, structure and activities of urban elites, highlighting their vitality and their interdependence and demonstrating the increasing regionalisation of municipal politics as towns sought to promote themselves, extend services and even expand physically onto a regional level. Moreover, it explores the discourses surrounding space in which gender, class, morality and community all feature prominently. How urban space and its uses were defined and redefined became key political weapons across the regions of England in the nineteenth century and these chapters show how a range of sources (maps, poems, songs, paintings, illustrated journalism, social investigations, historical texts) were employed by contemporaries to shape the urban and its image, often by placing it in a regional context or contributing to the creation of a regional image and identity. This collection illustrates the continuing vitality of the study of urban politics and governance and presents a rare attempt to place English urban history in a regional context. “Barry Doyle has assembled an impressive team of experts on urban politics to examine not just party politics but the wider machinery of government - the boards, agencies, and committees – that shaped British towns and cities after 1830. Space and place were contested and negotiated, and a distinctive sense of local identity emerged. In so doing, the collection challenges some of the generalisations about the governance of urban Britain and reminds us that, despite a shrinking globe, the local and regional are crucial to our everyday lives. The book should be read by all interested in, and especially those working for, local government.” —Professor Richard Rodger, University of Edinburgh “In Urban Politics and Urban Space in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: Regional Perspectives Barry Doyle brings together nine original essays by both established and younger authors to explore three inter-related themes in urban history – politics, space and region from the early to mid nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century. The book is conveniently divided into three sections dealing with structures of politics, politics, institutions and urban management, and governance discourses and space. Each of the contributions to this volume promises to both enrich our knowledge of specific moments in British politico-urban development (through the study of discrete developments in time and space), and to open up and extend the debate on the British variant of urban modernity. Each examines the ways in which local power, space and regional relations developed and changed between the early nineteenth and mid-twentieth century. Localities, their politics and communal identities are never really far from a national context; indeed, they largely shaped it, as these essays make clear. Doyle is to be commended for his endeavour, not just as the editor but in particular for his introduction to the volume. In a richly referenced essay that comes in at just over seven and half thousand words, he casts a panoramic view over the field in the last few decades, making connections where few contemporary urban historians care to tread. Doyle gives us a forceful challenge to what he sees as a particularly English malaise in this period, namely that of failing to recognise the potential of regional and local government to shape and manage the major reallocation of space and power; a vital sphere of public life that is contemporary to our own times. It is a masterly and well-informed piece of writing that will set the standard for some years to come.” —Professor Anthony McElligott, University of Limerick.

This book provides a detailed study of the politics of the Progressive Alliance at the constituency level from its inception in 1903 to collapse during the First World War. It evaluates the character, development and difficulties of progressive co-operation and considers the long-term viability of an electoral alliance between the Liberal and Labour parties. Samantha Wolstencroft provides an exhaustive analysis of political change in two of Britain’s major industrial centres, Manchester and Stoke-on-Trent, during a period that witnessed the decline of the Liberal Party and rise of Labour. She evaluates the difficulties faced by the early Labour Party in its attempt to attain a foothold within the political landscape, examines the impact of the experience of the First World War upon the political parties, and demonstrates the power of issues and the role of candidates in the transformation of electoral politics in Britain in the immediate aftermath of war.

Anticorruption in History is a timely and urgent book: corruption is widely seen today as a major problem we face as a global society, undermining trust in government and financial institutions, economic efficiency, the principle of equality before the law and human wellbeing in general. Corruption, in short, is a major hurdle on the "path to Denmark" a feted blueprint for stable and successful statebuilding. The resonance of this view explains why efforts to promote anticorruption policies have proliferated in recent years. But while the subject of corruption and anticorruption has captured the attention of politicians, scholars, NGOs and the global media, scant attention has been paid to the link between corruption and the change of anticorruption policies over time and place, with the attendant diversity in how to define, identify and address corruption. Economists, political scientists and policy-makers in particular have been generally content with tracing the differences between low-corruption and high-corruption countries in the present and enshrining them in all manner of rankings and indices. The long-term trends—social, political, economic, cultural—potentially undergirding the position of various countries plays a very small role. Such a historical approach could help explain major moments of change in the past as well as reasons for the success and failure of specific anticorruption policies and their relation to a country's image (of itself or as construed from outside) as being more or less corrupt. It is precisely this scholarly lacuna that the present volume intends to begin to fill. The book addresses a wide range of historical contexts: Ancient Greece and Rome, Medieval Eurasia, Italy, France, Great Britain and Portugal as well as studies on anticorruption in the Early Modern and Modern era in Romania, the Ottoman Empire, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, Sweden and the former German Democratic Republic.

A radical reading of British Conservatives' fortunes between the wars, exploring how the party adapted to mass democracy after 1918.

The London County Council was a the world's largest municipal government and a laboratory for social experimentation before the Great War. It sought to master the problems of metropolitan amelioration, political economy and public culture. Pennybacker's social history tests the vision of London Progressivism against its practitioners' accomplishments. She argues that the historical memory of the hopes inspired by LCC achievement and the disillusions spawned by failure, are potent forces in today's deeply ambivalent responses to metropolitan politics in London. The `new women', bohemian London, scandal in the building industry, midwifery, lodging houses, children's provision and the music hall were all provocative issues in LCC work. Their story richly evokes life in the turn-of-the-century metropolis and illustrates the complexities of `municipal socialism'.

This is a study of the physical transformation of Edinburgh in the nineteenth century.

DigiCat Publishing presents to you this special edition of "Liberalism and the Social Problem" by Winston Churchill. DigiCat Publishing considers every written word to be a legacy of humankind. Every DigiCat book has been carefully reproduced for republishing in a new modern format. The books are available in print, as well as ebooks. DigiCat hopes you will treat this work with the acknowledgment and passion it deserves as a classic of world literature.