Chicagoland boasts the world's largest population of Serbs outside of Serbia. Seeking economic opportunities and religious freedom, Serbs first settled in the area more than 100 years ago. Many found work in steel mills and other industries along the banks of Lake Michigan. The first Serbian Orthodox church in the Chicago area began serving parishioners in 1911, and more than a dozen additional congregations were built for the growing numbers of Serbs who arrived after World War II. Civic organizations, such as the Circle of Serbian Sisters, were established to honor and uphold customs from the "old country." Traditional Kolo dancing groups, tambura ensembles, and performance troupes have entertained Serbs and non-Serbs alike. Actor Karl Malden, perhaps the most famous Serbian American from the Chicagoland area, first took the stage in theater productions at his family's Gary, Indiana, Serbian Orthodox church. After the devastating wars in the Balkans in the 1990s, a new wave of Serbian immigrants arrived in Chicago, demonstrating that the city remains a welcoming place due to its abundance of Serbian culture, churches, and community.

This open access book explores the ambiguity of East Central Europe during the twentieth century, examining local contexts through a comparative and transnational reworking of theoretical models in postcolonial studies. Since the early modern period, East Central Europe has arguably been an object of imperialism. However, at the same time East Central European states have been seen to be colonial actors, with individuals from the region often associating themselves with colonial discourses in extra-European contexts. Spanning a broad time period until after the Second World War and covering the governance of Communism and its legacies, the book examines how cultural and literary narratives from East Central Europe have created and revised historical knowledge, making use of collective memory to feed into identity models.

"The wars in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in neighboring Croatia and Kosovo grabbed the attention of the western world not only because of their ferocity and their geographic location, but also because of their timing. This violence erupted at the exact moment when the cold war confrontation was drawing to a close, when westerners were claiming their liberal values as triumphant, in a country that had only a few years earlier been seen as very well placed to join the west. In trying to account for this outburst, most western journalists, academics, and policymakers have resorted to the language of the premodern: tribalism, ethnic hatreds, cultural inadequacy, irrationality; in short, the Balkans as the antithesis of the modern west. Yet one of the most striking aspects of the wars in Yugoslavia is the extent to which the images purveyed in the western press and in much of the academic literature are so at odds with evidence from on the ground."—from The Myth of Ethnic War V. P. Gagnon Jr. believes that the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s were reactionary moves designed to thwart populations that were threatening the existing structures of political and economic power. He begins with facts at odds with the essentialist view of ethnic identity, such as high intermarriage rates and the very high percentage of draft-resisters. These statistics do not comport comfortably with the notion that these wars were the result of ancient blood hatreds or of nationalist leaders using ethnicity to mobilize people into conflict. Yugoslavia in the late 1980s was, in Gagnon's view, on the verge of large-scale sociopolitical and economic change. He shows that political and economic elites in Belgrade and Zagreb first created and then manipulated violent conflict along ethnic lines as a way to short-circuit the dynamics of political change. This strategy of violence was thus a means for these threatened elites to demobilize the population. Gagnon's noteworthy and rather controversial argument provides us with a substantially new way of understanding the politics of ethnicity.