The Senate is becoming more like the House of Representatives in its increasing levels of partisanship and ideology. A transformation of the institution appears to be underfoot, posing questions about the Senate's role as the chamber in which cool judgement prevails. This book discusses and analyzes the changes in Senate life including rules and procedures, leadership and party organization, executive and Senate relations, debate and deliberation, and media spotlight. Then there is a re-examination of Senate efficacy, legitamacy and appropriateness as an aristocratic chamber in an increasingly democratic system of government.

Nicol Rae's engaging account of the Republican revolutionaries' freshman year in Congress persuasively demonstrates that the precepts set forth by Madison in Federalist 10 and 51 are still in force in our remarkably stable political system. The 73 Republican freshmen who entered the House of Representatives after the 1994 election were a well-organized group with majority status and a commitment to change. This book examines the extent to which they were successful in redirecting policy and reforming the institutions of representative government -- and the extent to which those same institutions moderated, and even frustrated, efforts to introduce radical, rapid -- indeed revolutionary -- change. Contrasts are drawn both with the role of the Republican freshmen in the Senate and with the power of the President as manifested in the 1995-96 budget battle. The book is based on interviews conducted by the author when he was an APSA Congressional Fellow in the offices of Rep. George P. Radanovich, president of the freshman Republican class, and Sen. Thad Cochran, chairman of the Senate Republican Conference.

The new edition of this comprehensive, two-volume reference has been thoroughly revised and expanded by expert CQ Press writers—with years of experience covering Congress—to offer a complete institutional history of Congress along with updated insight and analysis on the 2008 and 2010 shifts in power of the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives. The 35 chapters of Guide to Congress, Seventh Edition, are divided into eight subject areas that cover all aspects of the U.S. Congress: Origins and Development of Congress, from the constitutional beginnings of the legislative branch to the histories of the House and Senate and their power shifts, eras of partisanship and unity, influential leaders, and working relationships with presidents. New coverage includes analysis of the tug-of-war between House Democrats and the George W. Bush administration on Iraq war withdrawal timetables, updates on criminal investigations of House members including William J. Jefferson of Louisiana and Charles Rangel of New York, and analysis of the Tea Party Movement and new Republican majority. Powers of Congress, including powers to tax, spend, and borrow; to conduct foreign policy and investigations; to confirm and impeach; to regulate commerce; to amend the Constitution; and to select the president. Updated material includes analysis of the George W. Bush administration’s use of immunity from questioning by congressional committees, analysis of the signing of the new START treaty with Russia—marking a cornerstone of U.S. relations with the country, coverage of the War on Terror—including the killing of bin Laden in a U.S. raid in Pakistan, and perspective on the negotiations to raise the federal debt ceiling in 2011. Congressional Procedures, detailing the party and leadership structures; rules and the legislative process; the committee system, assignment, and procedures; and congressional staff. Revised coverage profiles the methods, styles, and legislative successes and defeats of House Speakers Pelosi and Boehner and Senate majority leader Reid. The Guide also analyzes the new hpyerpartisanship emerging in Congress and provides updates on congressional travel reforms and aide statistics and trends. Pressures on Congress, including influence from constituents, political parties, the president, the Supreme Court, lobbyists, and the media. New material explores the use of social media to communicate with constituents, examines the role of the new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, and analyzes the Obama administration’s relationship with Congress. Housing and Support, covering the U.S. Capitol, House and Senate office buildings, the Library of Congress, and organizations such as the Government Accountability Office and the Congressional Research Service. Updates are provided on new initiatives by the Library of Congress and reforms to the General Accounting Office. Pay and Perquisites, including honoraria and allowances, franking and travel privileges, and other benefits. Updates include revised figures for congressional pay and benefits and analysis of efforts to control privately sponsored foreign travel. Congress and the Electorate, covering the right to vote, the demographic composition of congress, the role of parties in elections, campaign financing, and redistricting. New information discusses elections statistics in recent elections, the impact of third parties, Tea Party gains, and the creation of "super PACs" and 527 groups. Qualifications and conduct, detailing congressional ethics investigations and procedures for disciplining members. Updated coverage reviews ethics investigations, including the creation of the Office of Congressional Ethics. Specific investigations and outcomes are discussed, including the censure of Charles Rangel and disapproval of Joe Wilson’s outburst during a speech by President Obama. Volume 2 concludes with a selected bibliography and key reference materials: a list of all members of congress who have served since 1789; congressional election results; floor leaders and committee chairs; dates for sessions of congress; women, black, Asian, and Hispanic members; and many more. Boxed features, tables, and figures and a generous number of photos enhance the topical coverage of this definitive resource on Congress.

While political history has plenty to say about the impact of Ronald Reagan’s election to the presidency in 1980, four Senate races that same year have garnered far less attention—despite their similarly profound political effect. Tuesday Night Massacre looks at those races. In examining the defeat in 1980 of Idaho’s Frank Church, South Dakota’s George McGovern, John Culver of Iowa, and Birch Bayh of Indiana, Marc C. Johnson tells the story of the beginnings of the divisive partisanship that has become a constant feature of American politics. The turnover of these seats not only allowed Republicans to gain control of the Senate for the first time since 1954 but also fundamentally altered the conduct of American politics. The incumbents were politicians of national reputation who often worked with members of the other party to accomplish significant legislative objectives—but they were, Johnson suggests, unprepared and ill-equipped to counter nakedly negative emotional appeals to the “politically passive voter.” Such was the campaign of the National Conservative Political Action Committee (NCPAC), the organization founded by several young conservative political activists who targeted these four senators for defeat. Johnson describes how such groups, amassing a great amount of money, could make outrageous and devastating claims about incumbents—“baby killers” who were “soft on communism,” for example—on behalf of a candidate who remained above the fray. Among the key players in this sordid drama are NCPAC chairman Terry Dolan; Washington lobbyist Charles Black, a top GOP advisor to several presidential campaigns and one-time business partner of Paul Manafort; and Roger Stone, self-described “dirty trickster” for Richard Nixon and confidant of Donald Trump. Connecting the dots between the Goldwater era of the 1960s and the ascent of Trump, Tuesday Night Massacre charts the radicalization of the Republican Party and the rise of the independent expenditure campaign, with its divisive, negative techniques, a change that has deeply—and perhaps permanently—warped the culture of bipartisanship that once prevailed in American politics.

The third edition of Gender and Elections offers a systematic, lively, and multifaceted account of the role of gender in the electoral process through the 2012 elections. This timely yet enduring volume strikes a balance between highlighting the most important developments for women as voters and candidates in the 2012 elections and providing a more long-term, in-depth analysis of the ways that gender has helped shape the contours and outcomes of electoral politics in the United States. Individual chapters demonstrate the importance of gender in understanding and interpreting presidential elections, presidential and vice-presidential candidacies, voter participation and turnout, voting choices, congressional elections, the political involvement of Latinas, the participation of African American women, the support of political parties and women's organizations, candidate communications with voters, and state elections. Without question, Gender and Elections is the most comprehensive, reliable, and trustworthy resource on the role of gender in US electoral politics.

Contemporary members of Congress routinely use the media to advance their professional goals. Today, virtually every aspect of their professional legislative life unfolds in front of cameras and microphones and, increasingly, online. The Public Congress explores how the media moved from being a peripheral to a central force in U.S. congressional politics. The authors show that understanding why this happened allows us to see the constellation of forces that combined over the last fifty years to transform the American political order. Malecha and Reagan’s keen analysis links the new "public" Congress and the forces that are shaping political parties, the Presidency, interest groups, and the media. They conclude by asking whether the kind of discourse that this "new media" environment fosters encourages Congress to make its distinctive deliberative contribution to the American polity. This text brings historical depth as well as coverage of the most current cutting edge trends in new media environment and provides an exhaustive treatment of how the U.S. Congress uses the media in the governing process today.

From the 1910 overthrow of "Czar" Joseph Cannon to the reforms enacted when Republicans took over the House in 1995, institutional change within the U.S. Congress has been both a product and a shaper of congressional politics. For several decades, scholars have explained this process in terms of a particular collective interest shared by members, be it partisanship, reelection worries, or policy motivations. Eric Schickler makes the case that it is actually interplay among multiple interests that determines institutional change. In the process, he explains how congressional institutions have proved remarkably adaptable and yet consistently frustrating for members and outside observers alike. Analyzing leadership, committee, and procedural restructuring in four periods (1890-1910, 1919-1932, 1937-1952, and 1970-1989), Schickler argues that coalitions promoting a wide range of member interests drive change in both the House and Senate. He shows that multiple interests determine institutional innovation within a period; that different interests are important in different periods; and, more broadly, that changes in the salient collective interests across time do not follow a simple logical or developmental sequence. Institutional development appears disjointed, as new arrangements are layered on preexisting structures intended to serve competing interests. An epilogue assesses the rise and fall of Newt Gingrich in light of these findings. Schickler's model of "disjointed pluralism" integrates rational choice theory with historical institutionalist approaches. It both complicates and advances efforts at theoretical synthesis by proposing a fuller, more nuanced understanding of institutional innovation--and thus of American political development and history.

The four years of the Bush presidency cover a momentous era in American and world history. In international affairs the events in Eastern Europe and the then Soviet Union in late 1989 gave the President a high profile. The advent of the 'New World Order' made the United States pre-eminent: the triumph of the West was assured, with the added bonus of the 'peace dividend' as arms control agreements and defense savings seemed imminent. The President's personal popularity flourished in this climate and reached a new peak with the triumph of the allied forces in the Gulf War. The Gulf conflict saw Bush at his most decisive: firm in his moral stance, skilled in his action to bring together allied support backed by the United Nations, and confident in his handling of public opinion.