"This book provides an action-theoretic view of political hope that draws on German idealism, critical theory, and American pragmatism. It offers an alternative to standard perspectives that reduce hope to either a subjective element of individual psychology or to the passive anticipation of the supposedly objective tendencies of the world itself. Featuring chapters on Immanuel Kant, Ernst Bloch, Charles Peirce, and William James, it presents hope instead as a practice of political action that both buttresses and promotes democratic experimentation. By reconstructing hope as a necessary condition for social and political engagement, it furthermore argues for the centrality of utopian thinking for practical action"--

"This book provides an action-theoretic view of political hope that draws on German idealism, critical theory, and American pragmatism. It offers an alternative to standard perspectives that reduce hope to either a subjective element of individual psychology or to the passive anticipation of the supposedly objective tendencies of the world itself. Featuring chapters on Immanuel Kant, Ernst Bloch, Charles Peirce, and William James, it presents hope instead as a practice of political action that both buttresses and promotes democratic experimentation. By reconstructing hope as a necessary condition for social and political engagement, it furthermore argues for the centrality of utopian thinking for practical action"--

In a world of political upheaval, rising inequality, catastrophic climate change, and widespread doubt of even the most authoritative sources of information, is there a place for critique? This book calls for a systematic reappraisal of critical thinking—its assumptions, its practices, its genealogy, its predicament—following the principle that critique can only start with self-critique. In A Time for Critique, Didier Fassin, Bernard E. Harcourt, and a group of eminent political theorists, anthropologists, sociologists, philosophers, and literary and legal scholars reflect on the multiplying contexts and forms of critical discourse and on the social actors and social movements engaged in them. How can one maintain sufficient distance from the eventful present without doing it an injustice? How can one address contemporary issues without repudiating the intellectual legacies of the past? How can one avoid the disconnection between theory and action? How can critique be both public and collective? These provocative questions are addressed by revisiting the works of Foucault and Arendt, Said and Césaire, Benjamin and Du Bois, but they are also given substance through on-the-ground case studies that treat subaltern criticism in Palestine, emancipatory mobilizations in Syria, the antitorture campaigns of Sri Lankan activists, and the abolitionism of the African American critical resistance and undercommons movements in the United States. Examining lucidly the present challenges of critique, A Time for Critique shows how its theoretical reassessment and its emerging forms can illuminate the imaginative modalities to rejuvenate critical praxis.

Benjamin Constant (1767-1830) was born in Switzerland and became one of France's leading writers, as well as a journalist, philosopher, and politician. His colourful life included a formative stay at the University of Edinburgh; service at the court of Brunswick, Germany; election to the French Tribunate; and initial opposition and subsequent support for Napoleon, even the drafting of a constitution for the Hundred Days. Constant wrote many books, essays, and pamphlets. His deepest conviction was that reform is hugely superior to revolution, both morally and politically. While Constant's fluid, dynamic style and lofty eloquence do not always make for easy reading, his text forms a coherent whole, and in his translation Dennis O'Keeffe has focused on retaining the 'general elegance and subtle rhetoric' of the original. Sir Isaiah Berlin called Constant 'the most eloquent of all defenders of freedom and privacy' and believed to him we owe the notion of 'negative liberty', that is, what Biancamaria Fontana describes as "the protection of individual experience and choices from external interferences and constraints." To Constant it was relatively unimportant whether liberty was ultimately grounded in religion or metaphysics -- what mattered were the practical guarantees of practical freedom -- "autonomy in all those aspects of life that could cause no harm to others or to society as a whole." This translation is based on Etienne Hofmann's critical edition of Principes de politique (1980), complete with Constant's additions to the original work.

Malthus has prepared in this work the general rules of political economy. He calls into question some of the reasonings of Ricardo and attempts to defend Adam Smith.

Politics with Principle: Ten Characters with Character validates the belief that it is possible for public servants to achieve success in the political arena without lying, cheating, or stealing along the way. It is the author's hope that this book will deepen the reader's appreciation for all in political life who conduct themselves honorably as well as encourage future aspirants of good character to consider public service. This book shows a rising generation the extent to which their own future will depend on the character traits they build in the present. By studying the exemplary characters showcased within, students of politics will be able to imitate their virtuous habits of life, thought, and action. About the Author Michael J. Kerrigan has forty-two years of Washington lobbying and business consulting experience, working closely with the government, political, corporate, and technology sectors. He is the founder and principal of Kerrigan & Associates, Inc., a Washington-based management consulting and lobbying firm. Mr. Kerrigan has been a teacher, coach, congressional campaign manager, and guest lecturer. He has served as an international political liaison to the Vatican for a conference on disabilities and as a U.S. observer, investigating the war-torn regions of Northern Ireland, Latin America, and the Middle East. He also served as an ACYPL delegate to Ireland and to the Federal Republic of Germany. Praise for Politics with Principle Michael is a valued friend, and I respect his knowledge and understanding of our complicated political environment. In a time of much cynicism, this book examines those who represent the best of what makes our political system work and underscores that good character is good politics. From my more than fifty-five years in the public relations business, I couldn't agree more. --Howard J. Rubenstein, Public Relations Executive, New York, NY Today public cynicism about government officials is very high. Michael Kerrigan's well-done analysis of several people who have served with distinction reminds us that public service remains our highest calling and that it can and should be done well. --Joel Klein, Chancellor, New York City Schools, New York, NY Michael Kerrigan is a highly principled and deeply religious man. In Politics with Principle: Ten Characters with Character, he finds these same qualities in ten of his "pals in politics." Because his probing questions are directed to close friends, the reader will discover, in their verbatim responses, some interesting nuggets about public figures that would never be found in a "Who's Who." --Charles S. Robb, former Governor and United States Senator, Virginia I have known Mike for many years, both socially and professionally. His insight into how government works and the people that make it work are the best in Washington. I know many of the characters in his book and share his assessments of their characters and abilities. The book will be a refreshing read at a time when the American people are questioning our political institutions and its leaders. --Thomas Hale Boggs, Jr., Esq., Patton Boggs LLP, Washington, D.C.

Politics in America are polarized and trivialized, perhaps as never before. In Congress, the media, and academic debate, opponents from right and left, the Red and the Blue, struggle against one another as if politics were contact sports played to the shouts of cheerleaders. The result, Ronald Dworkin writes, is a deeply depressing political culture, as ill equipped for the perennial challenge of achieving social justice as for the emerging threats of terrorism. Can the hope for change be realized? Dworkin, one the world's leading legal and political philosophers, identifies and defends core principles of personal and political morality that all citizens can share. He shows that recognizing such shared principles can make substantial political argument possible and help replace contempt with mutual respect. Only then can the full promise of democracy be realized in America and elsewhere. Dworkin lays out two core principles that citizens should share: first, that each human life is intrinsically and equally valuable and, second, that each person has an inalienable personal responsibility for identifying and realizing value in his or her own life. He then shows what fidelity to these principles would mean for human rights, the place of religion in public life, economic justice, and the character and value of democracy. Dworkin argues that liberal conclusions flow most naturally from these principles. Properly understood, they collide with the ambitions of religious conservatives, contemporary American tax and social policy, and much of the War on Terror. But his more basic aim is to convince Americans of all political stripes--as well as citizens of other nations with similar cultures--that they can and must defend their own convictions through their own interpretations of these shared values.