The Politics of the Eurogroup provides an intriguing look inside the euro crisis and the secretive forum of finance ministers that came to dominate it. The history of the European Union is a history of crises and the leaps of integration they triggered. As the pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and global power competition are clouding the prospects of the European economies, the member states are looking for solutions. Yet they find their options highly constrained by the economic and political realities created in the decade of the euro crisis. This book fuses a critical political economy perspective on structural relations within the Economic and Monetary Union with a power- based approach to its institutions. It explains why a political project of European austerity emerged from the Eurogroup and side-lined alternative policies, with repercussions still felt today. The author introduces a series of interviews with key decision-makers – ministers, central bankers, and EU officials – as well as leaked audio recordings from Eurogroup meetings to give an authentic report of the power struggles between finance ministers. The book retraces how the Eurogroup rose to prominence in the crisis and how a few northern countries – led by the German and Dutch finance ministries – were able to exploit the group’s informal processes to shape the Economic and Monetary Union to their advantage. With its interdisciplinary and investigative approach, this book will be of great interest for scholars and students concerned with European integration, international political economy, economics, institutionalism, and governance. It will also be of value for policy makers in the fields of European politics and economic governance.

The Euro-Zone represents the single most important step in European Integration since 1957 and one of the boldest economic, monetary, and political projects in modern history. In this first major study, the author examines the major political questions raised by the birth of the Euro-Zone on January 1 1999 and argues for a more politically informed analysis and assessment of its nature, operation, and prospects. How does the Euro-Zone operate? What does it mean for European States and for the political strategies of governments? How is its operation to be explained? What are its prospects for stability? What kinds of policies are needed to strengthen its capacity to withstand crisis? The book stresses the ECB-centric nature of the Euro-Zone and its implications both for policy and polices in Europe and for theories of integration. The ECB emerges as a powerful 'policy pusher' and 'ideational leader', with an authority and power exceeding that of the European Commission in the integration process. Dyson examines the elated problems of social justice, democratic consent, and identity. He also argues that the Euro-Zone represents a process of transition to the EU as a 'stabilization Staten An innovative aspect of the book is its application of a strength-strain model for the purpose of analyzing and assessing the stability of the Euro-Zone. It concludes that the stability of the Euro-Zone will be strongly conditioned by three factors: how Kantian rather than Hobbesian or Lockeian its political culture proves to be, with a key reproducibility failing here on the quality of political leadership; its possession of policy interments to tackle liquidity as well as debt traps; and the speed and efficiency of mechanisms of 'bench marking, policy transfer, and 'lesson-drawing'.

Interest organizations have always assumed a prominent place in European politics because they link states with citizens, institutionalize the resolution of social conflicts, regulate important sectors of the economy and society, contribute to workable policy outcomes and socialize members into democratic politics. However, the plethora of interest group studies that exist have not consolidated our understanding of these actors. These analyses have been subject to the vagaries of different theoretical perspectives and vary greatly in their conceptual and methodological frameworks. Consequently, a not always complementary and fragmented series of findings has emerged. This book is a systematic and comprehensive effort at investigating and integrating the state of the art in European interest group research. Combining the analysis of interest group politics in the EU with the comparative study of interest organizations, the book seeks to identify the areas about which there is consolidated knowledge, that are marked by controversies, in which considerable uncertainty exists, that have been omitted from research programs and that ought to be part of future studies. Thereby, it provides a general reflection on how the study of interest group politics can be improved by linking it to the comparative study of governance. This book was published as a special issue of West European Politics.

The Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) is central to Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) in Europe. Initiated by Germany in 1995 and adopted in 1997, it regulates the fiscal policies of European Union Member States. Following numerous violations of its deficit reference value, the Pact's Excessive Deficit Procedure was suspended in 2003. The decision to suspend was brought before the European Court of Justice in 2004 and the SGP then underwent painstaking reform in 2005. After a period of economic prosperity and falling budgetary deficits, the global economic crisis put the system under renewed stress. Ruling Europe presents a comprehensive analysis of the political history of the SGP as the cornerstone of EMU. It examines the SGP through different theoretical lenses, offering a fascinating study of European integration and institutional design. One cannot understand the Euro without first understanding the SGP.

Europe is in crisis, but the European Union just gets stronger. Greece, Portugal, Spain and Ireland have all been told that they must submit their budgets to EU-appointed bureaucrats. The 'soft coup' that put EU officials in charge of Greece and Italy shows that the Union is opposed to democracy. Instead of weakening the European Union, the budget crisis of 2012 has ended up with the eurocrats grabbing new powers to dictate terms. Over the years the forward march of the European Union has been widely misunderstood. James Heartfield explains that the rise of the EU is driven by the decline in political participation. Without political contestation national parliaments have become an empty shell. Where once elites drew authority from their own people, today they draw authority from the European Union, and other summits of world leaders. The growth of the European Union runs in tandem with the decline in national politics. As national sovereignty is hollowed out, technocratic administration from Brussels fills the void. This account of the rise of the European Union includes a full survey of the major schools of thought in European studies, and a valuable guide to those who want to take back control. ,

This book provides an in-depth account of the politics of the Eurozone crisis in Italy, Spain, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus and Malta, mapping the positions expressed by the governments of Southern EU countries during the Eurozone crisis negotiations, including Greece’s bailout deal, the so-called “Six Pack” and the “Fiscal Compact” and exploring the process of domestic preference formation. The book relies on original data resulting from fieldwork conducted in the context of the EU Commission- funded Horizon 2020 project “The Choice for Europe since Maastricht”.

The global financial, economic and sovereign debt crisis since 2008 has led to increases in political disaffection among citizens, a loss of legitimacy of political institutions, the discredit of mainstream parties and the rise of extremist or anti-system political alternatives. This comparative volume sheds greater light on this critical juncture in the recent history of the European Union (EU) by focusing on the evolution of attitudes of national political elites. It examines whether the crisis has affected the legitimacy of the EU integration project as perceived by national political elites and, consequently, if the elite consensus that constituted one of the most solid fundamentals supporting that project has been eroded. Analysing these changes across the different dimensions in which support for the EU is organized and its relationship with the evolution of support towards European integration among citizens in member states, the book addresses a basic question: How have these events affected the perceptions of the EU of national political elites? Ultimately, it sheds light on the evolution of the relationship between the perception of the EU and the national contexts, as well as the likely evolution of the project of European integration in the near future. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political elites, EU politics, European integration, political parties, and more broadly to comparative politics, European studies and sociology.

Collective Action in the European Union addresses fundamental questions surrounding the European political economy. The impressive array of contributors ask how and why collective action is formed at the European level. They also consider whether collective action at the transnational level is driven by rational, utility maximising behaviour, or whether explanations couched in social terms are more convincing. Many of the chapters introduce fresh empirical studies, in the domains of business, the professions, consumers and environmental interests.

Debate among politicians and academics alike vacillates as to whether the euro is the crowning achievement of a half-century of European integration efforts, or now constitutes a force that threatens to drive European Union member states apart. This book introduces both the political and economic forces at play in the eurozone crisis that have shaped this debate and changed the face of European integration.

States that the British Government has focused the discussion on the adoption of the Euro on its economic consequences. This title argues that the UK should seek to build a free-trade Europe based upon competition and not based upon harmonization of regulation and laws.