It pleases al-Zaytouna Centre to make available for free this study that is the outcome of a poll conducted in May 2006, to survey the political views of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. It surveys more than 1000 persons distributed the 12 camps and 9 gatherings of the Palestinians in Lebanon. Conducted on high academic standards, this study observes issues like the possibility of return, settlement options, weapons, camps’ security and Lebanese authorities, and the popularity and performance of the Palestinian movements and the Palestinian presidency… etc

This is a print on demand edition of a hard to find publication. The fact that the outcome of the 2006 Hezbollah-Israeli War was, at best, a stalemate for Israel has confounded military analysts. Long considered the most professional and powerful army in the Middle East, with a history of impressive military victories against its enemies, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) emerged from the campaign with its enemies undefeated and its prestige tarnished. This historical analysis of the war includes an examination of IDF and Hezbollah doctrine prior to the war, as well as an overview of the operational and tactical problems encountered by the IDF during the war. The IDF ground forces were tactically unprepared and untrained to fight against a determined Hezbollah force. ¿An insightful, comprehensive examination of the war.¿ Illustrations.

Statistics of early 2010 estimate that the Palestinian refugee population has reached over 7.5 million refugee, i.e. approximately 70% of the Palestinian population. With the majority of them displaced in 1948 and denied their right to return until today, these refugees constitute the oldest and largest living refugee problem in contemporary history. For more than 60 years, these millions experienced suffering and hardships as daily routine; waiting endlessly for the realization of their right and their dream of returning to their homeland. Hence, Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations presents to the readers this book, the 6th of the humanitarian series Am I Not a Human?, entitled “The Suffering of the Palestinian Refugee”. The book aims at comprehensively covering the various aspects of the refugees’ suffering, since their expulsion in 1948; their distribution and living conditions (legal, social, economic, education, health, and security) in places of refuge and Diaspora; their legal status and rights in international law, namely their right to compensation and return; and the various settlement and naturalization schemes that were deliberately planned but failed against the refugees’ determinacy to resist such schemes, and their clinching to their right of return. It concludes by arguing that the right of return is inalienable, sacred, legitimate, and most importantly feasible; when the intentions are sincere and the wills are put into serious action and pressure against the Israeli Occupation. The book falls in 128 pages of medium size.

“The Suffering of Jerusalem and Holy Sites under the Israeli Occupation” is the seventh in Am I Not a Human? series. The previous books include book #1 on the Israeli racism, #2 on the suffering of the Palestinian Children, #3 on women, #4 on prisoners, #5 on massacres, #6 on refugees, #7 on Jerusalem, #8 on the separation wall, #10 on the worker and #11 on the patient, with remaining three issues in preparation. The book falls in 142 pages and is written by Dr. Mohsen Moh’d Saleh. It documents the suffering of the holy city, holy in Islam, Christianity and Judaism, and its population under the Israeli Occupation; in addition to the Occupation’s infringements on other Muslim and Christian holy sites in Palestine generally. The book presents a historic and legal background on the issue of Jerusalem, since its occupation, including documented narratives of the occupation of the city and the continuous forced displacement of its population, in addition to documents that prove the illegality and de-legitimacy of the Occupation. The book also considers the Israeli infringements on Al-Aqsa Mosque, including excavations beneath and near the Mosque that threaten its infrastructure, the breakings into the Mosque, the expropriation of its areas and of neighbouring homes and neighborhoods, and the continuous attempts of the occupation to transform it into an open site for Jews and tourists, thus depriving its religious sanctity to Muslims. Additionally, the book describes the Israeli Occupation’s practices in the issue of Judaizing Jerusalem and imposing a Jewish façade on the city instead of its currently Muslim-Christian dominant Arab identity; and works in constructing a parallel “holy” Jewish city in the project named “Jerusalem first”. The Occupation’s settlement expansion in Jerusalem is also among the major issues considered by the book, not to mention the various planning schemes that aim at isolating Jerusalem from its Palestinian neighboring villages and from the West Bank more generally, and the expropriation of vast lands around Jerusalem to annex them to its municipal borders.

Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations in Beirut has launched the English version of the book “The Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas: Studies of Thought and Experience,” which was co-written by a group of professors specializing in the Palestinian issue and five senior Hamas leaders. The 704-page book is edited by Dr. Mohsen Saleh. The book examines Hamas’s vision and experience in all its aspects. The work sticks to two main commitments: First, adherence to academic research methods, and the accuracy, objectivity and extensive documentation necessary to them. The second is the attempt to present Hamas as it really is, whether by the contributions of specialized researches, who are well informed of Hamas and its experience; or by the contributions of Hamas leaders, who have addressed a number of issues and presented a more comprehensive picture of the Movement. Particularly so when the available literature is insufficient to clarify all the issues being researched, especially for Western audiences interested in understanding the Palestinian issue, of which Hamas has become a key component in the past decade. The book falls in two parts. The first is a collection of eleven studies on Hamas and its experience, in which chapter one presents an overview of the movement experience and history. It discusses the background and inception, and considers Hamas a continuation of the work of the Muslim Brothers (MB) movement that began in the form of popular advocacy through a network of branches and offices beginning in 1945. Interestingly, this chapter examines events that reflect the extent of the MB movement’s participation in armed resistance as well as preaching activities, in addition to their links to the establishment of the Fatah movement, which was co-founded by MB figures. This chapter digs deeper in to the stages that Hamas underwent, especially between 1987 and 2005. The second chapter gives the reader the chance to examine Hamas’s political vision, addressing the wellsprings of Hamas’s political ideology, its approach to religion and state, law, and constitution, and its views on nationalism, secularism, and democracy. Finally, it addresses the rights of minorities in Hamas’s political thought. The chapter contains a plethora of answers to questions usually raised by those interested to learn about Hamas’s ideas, bearing in mind that it is difficult to find material that expresses Hamas’s intellectual frameworks in such a comprehensive manner, except through some of the interviews, which still are no match for the topics covered by the book. In the third chapter, we delve into Hamas’ conceptualization of the other, meaning Hamas’s view of Israel, Judaism, Jews, Zionism and Zionists, which is the basis for understanding the background and future of the conflict. The book, in the fourth and fifth chapters, continues to analyze the relationship between Hamas and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and its factions, and Hamas’s position on Islamic Palestinian movements including the Sufis and Salafis, Hizb ut-Tahrir, and the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine (PIJ), explaining the convergences and divergences with these factions. This is based on analyzing both Hamas’s theoretical framework and policies, drawing from primary sources. The sixth chapter highlights an important issue, namely, the peace process. Naturally, readers will wonder how Hamas’s actions and visions approach the peace process. In this chapter, the author examines the stages of evolution of Hamas’s political position on the peace process, whether through the movement’s theoretical and intellectual frameworks, or its practices on the ground. The seventh chapter tackles in detail Hamas’s vision for political and social reform in Palestine, based on the set of principles the group has committed itself to, including its insistence on political freedom for all and the rights of the Palestinian people. Hamas’s political reform project is not confined to internal Palestinian matters, but also cover foreign relations, especially with Arab and Muslim countries. In addition, Hamas’s social reform platform focuses on combatting poverty as the entry point for comprehensive development and reform. The eighth and ninth chapters overview at length Hamas’s Arab and Islamic relations, by analyzing the determinants, objectives, and dimensions of Hamas’s relations, an explaining its position towards the Arab Spring. They also examine Hamas’s relations with Turkey and Iran and their evolution. The tenth chapter deals with Hamas’s experience in government, following the 2006 legislative elections. This chapter explores the defects within the Palestinian political system in order to determine the environment and challenges that Hamas faced. Finally, it assesses Hamas performance in governance in the period 2006–2012. The eleventh chapter concludes the first part of the book by reviewing Western academic literature on Hamas, with a view to answer the following fundamental question: To what extent have these studies succeeded in understanding the true nature of Hamas? The second part of the book includes contributions by five senior Hamas leaders attempting to answer a miscellany of questions regarding different issues appertaining to the Movement. These include a study by Khalid Mish’al, head of Hamas Political Bureau, which is entitled “Hamas: Milestones in Thought and Experience.” A second study entitled “Hamas: A Reading in the Vision and Governance Experience” is contributed by Isma‘il Haniyyah, the new Hamas politburo chief and prime minister of Hamas’s caretaker government. It also includes a contribution by Musa Abu Marzuq, senior Hamas leader and former politburo chief titled Hamas Assessment of the Experience; and a contribution by Usamah Hamdan on Hamas International Relations. The section also includes a paper prepared by Sami Khater, Hamas politburo member, regarding Hamas’s Vision for Managing the Conflict with the “Zionist Enemy.” The book includes an appendix of major documents related to Hamas and its experience since the issuance of its charter in 1987 until the memorandum of enforcement of the Palestinian reconciliation agreement between Fatah and Hamas (Al-Shati’ Agreement) in 2014 besides key political documents issued in the intervening period.

This book seeks to present a comprehensive overview of the Palestine issue, its historical background, as well as its modern and contemporary developments. The book, in a documented, methodical, and concise style, and in plain language, delves into the history of Palestine from its early history throughout the Islamic era, and the background of the emergence of the Zionist movement, as well as the British occupation of Palestine and the founding of Israel. The book analyzes the various phases of the Palestine issue and its developments, shedding light on the struggle of the Palestinian people, their uprisings and revolutions, and the role of the Palestine Liberation Organization and its factions, as well as the role of the Palestinian Islamic movements. The book places particular emphasis on the first two decades of the twenty-first century, so that the reader would be able to obtain a clear picture about many of the issues related to the contemporary aspects of the Palestinian question. The revised and updated edition of the book covers the period up to the year 2021, and contains a large collection of pictures and maps to illustrate its points. The book is an important source for readers seeking to acquaint themselves with the Palestine issue, and to become informed of the pertinent facts in a balanced manner. It can also serve as an introduction to further studies of the Palestine issue.

This book, the fourth among the series of Am I not a Human, deals with the suffering of the Palestinian prisoners under the Israeli occupation, where statistics reveal that since 1967 around 25% of the Palestinian population has been detained. This detention process involves various humiliation dimensions, violaitng international conventions and basic humanitarian conduct, in addition to the treaties and laws. All this is presented in this book, with special focus on the statistics and documented description on the sufferings and human rights violations.

This book summarizes the major sufferings of the Palestinian women who are living under the Israeli occupation, and whose basic rights are conitnuously violated by this occupation. It sheds the light on the women’s social, economic and health status, and how suffering is imposed and aggravated by the occupation; all in a concise, simple, academic and interactive style.

As an American, Cathy Sultan feels enormous responsibility for being part of a political system that proclaims itself the bastion of freedom. Determined to do something, she precociously flew to Israel-Palestine to see for herself what all the suicide bombing and village bulldozing was about. Partly due to her involvement with the National Peace Foundation, Sultan set up a network of contacts, on both sides of the political/religious divide, and dialogued with them about their beliefs and hopes for the future of this extraordinary region. This unique book, skillfully written by the indomitable housewife with bum knees who braved checkpoints, gunfire, barbed wire and Merkur tanks, is broken into several parts containing maps, history, narrative and dialogue. The magnificent and painstakingly accurate interviews will stun readers about the realities of what people actually have to endure and present a historical perspective of the conflict's growth to its present standoff. Through Sultan's bold account, readers discover that, in fact, it is only a vocal, influential and politically powerful few who advocate exclusivity, conflict and continued injustice. The vast majority of Israelis and Palestinians stand for equality, human rights and peaceful existence. Cathy Sultan is also author of A Beirut Heart: One Woman's War - a memoir about her experience as a wife and mother living day-to-day for eight years of the bloody Lebanese Civil War.

This book is not merely the autobiography of Mr. Ibrahim Ghusheh, it is also a living testimony of the Palestinian and Jordanian Muslim Brothers’ experience over a fifty years span. Ghusheh’s memoirs are characterized by their clarity and candor. They bring to light many of Hamas’ stands and viewpoints regarding a number of issues, which could be considered points of controversy among researchers, in particular during the period leading to al-Aqsa Intifadah. Please, contact us or our agents to get the full printed edition. *** Presented by Dr. Mohsen Moh’d Saleh, General Manager of al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations. For the first time, one of Hamas prominent leaders in Diaspora publishes his autobiography. Indeed, it is a testament to the era, and to the experience of the Muslim Brothers Movement (MB) and Hamas described by an insider. When Ibrahim Ghusheh himself talks about the experience of the Muslim Brothers in Jordan and Palestine and about Hamas’s experience, doubtless he will attract all specialists and researchers, whether in the Palestinian issue or the Islamic Movement. These memoirs are rich with information published for the first time by a man who has lived in the Jordanian and Palestinian MB environment for over 50 years, and acted as Hamas’s official spokesperson in 1991–1999. They also reflect the life and vision of one of the most prominent political decision makers, especially in the first 12 years of the movement’s inception. In fact, the life and experience of the author make the book an indispensable source of information for researchers and scholars of the Palestinian issue, especially the Islamic Palestinian trend. The choice of the title is meant to take the reader to the atmosphere of Jerusalem where the author grew up to see the red minaret of a mosque near his house. The language Ghusheh uses in this 13-chapter book is simple and explicit, where the social, familial, and humanitarian side intermingles with the ideological, political and resistance side, away from artificiality, and from the ego, which is heavily found in memoirs. Ultimately, the reader is presented with a person who firmly believes in his ideology, loyal to and ready to sacrifice for it. Birth, Upbringing and al-Nakbah (Catastrophe) Ibrahim Ghusheh was born in 1936, a month following the first stage of the Palestinian Revolt. In the first chapter, Ghusheh talks about his family and childhood memories, while describing Jerusalem and al-Aqsa Mosque before 1948. In the second chapter, he describes his memories of al-Nakbah of 1948, al-Qastal Battle, the killing of ‘Abdul Qadir al-Husseini, and his family’s need to move to Jericho before going back to Jerusalem once again. Ghusheh also talks about the growing political interest among the youths, and the attempts to identify the best way for liberating Palestine. He mentions his attraction in Grade Six to the lessons presented by Sheikh Taqiyuddin al-Nabahani in the Muslim Brothers Division, and then his enrollment in the MB in Grade Seven, following the footsteps of his elder brother Musa, and his maternal cousin, Mahmud al-‘Arian. He then talks about the beginnings of Hizb ut-Tahrir (Liberation Party) in Jerusalem, and how al-Nabahani could attract most MB scholars and intellectuals, while only a limited number were left out, like Zakariyya Qneibi and Ibrahim Abu ‘Arafah. He also describes how the Muslim Brothers regained the lead, benefiting from the growing strength of the MB in Egypt and east Jordan, and from the return of students who were studying in Egypt. He also mentions how the likes of Shehadeh al-Ansari, Salem ‘Ali Salem and Muhammad Nimr Wehbeh participated in the re-organization and enhancement of MB work in Jerusalem. Ghusheh sheds light as well on the activities of the Muslim Brothers in Jerusalem until 1954. In the third chapter, Ghusheh talks about the rest of the 50s, especially his study of engineering in Egypt, and about underground work of the Palestinian and Jordanian Muslim Brothers due to the difficult security conditions during Nasser’s rule. He mentions the coordination between the Brothers coming from Jordan and those hailing from the Gaza Strip (GS). Ghusheh casts light on the Palestinian League where he assures that the student list supported by the MB would always win the elections. The Union was first headed by Yasir ‘Arafat who was close to the Muslim Brothers, then Salah Khalaf (Abu Iyad) who was a member of the MB. Yet, the MB student activity declined in the late 50s because of the security pressure they had to face. As for the Brothers and their relation with the emergence of Fatah movement, Ghusheh draws the reader’s attention to the fact that Fatah’s early pioneers were MB members such as Khalil al-Wazir (Abu Jihad). He points out to other names including ‘Abdul Fattah al-Hammoud, Riyad al-Za‘nun and Muhammad Yusuf al-Najjar, who became Fatah leaders. Ghusheh illustrates the separation and differentiation between those who established Fatah and the Muslim Brothers, while presenting an assessment of Nasser’s experience. Kuwait and Jordan Ghusheh then talks about his work experience in the Kuwait Municipality in 1962–1966 and the establishment of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the position of Fatah and the Brothers towards it. He talks about the first the General Supervisor of the Palestinian Muslim Brothers, Hani Bsiso, who used to work as a teacher in Iraq, and who was summoned by the Brothers to lead the Palestinian organization in 1963, where he settled in Egypt. Bsiso was then detained, along with Sayyid Qutb, in the blow dealt to the Muslim Brothers in 1965, and he died in prison. Ghusheh returned to Jordan and worked in the construction of Khalid Ibn al-Walid Dam. He describes the reaction of the Muslim Brothers there to June 1967 war, the Palestinian resistance work, and the Brothers’ participation in “al-Shuyukh camps,” and the Brothers’ vision of the Jordan Army battles against the resistance organizations in 1970–1971. Ghusheh talks about his participation in building the Kuwait Towers in early 1971, then in the construction of King Talal Dam in the late 1972. He also talks about the work of the MB movement with the Jordan Engineers Association where Ghusheh headed the MB trend in the Association in 1973. He points out to the Brothers’ active participation since the ninth Association council in 1974–1975, until they were able to attract Laith Shubeilat and supported him to become the head of the syndicate in 1982–1983. The Islamic Work for Palestine in Diaspora Ghusheh unveils some sides of the Islamic work for Palestine in Diaspora, the most important of which was the formation of Palestine section affiliated with the Muslim Brothers leadership in Jordan, after the Palestinian section in the GS merged with the Jordan Brothers in 1978. He talks about the internal conference, which was held by this section in 1983, in the presence of a number of the Muslim Brothers leaders from the West Bank (WB) and GS, such as ‘Abdul Fattah Dukhan, and from Kuwait, such as Khalid Mish‘al, and others. The meeting was important in the sense that it redefined the track and priorities of the Brothers’ work towards Palestine, and confirmed that there is a new orientation that balances the drive towards an Islamic state in Arab and Islamic countries with popular resistance in Palestine, and a third stage had begun for the Brotherhood to address the Palestinian issue. Ghusheh also points out to the formation of the Palestine Apparatus, and that it was a decision by the MB International Organization—the apparatus that followed from behind the curtain Hamas’s launching, and its aftermath. Ghusheh talks about his enrollment with Hamas in 1989, at the request of the then General-Guide of the Muslim Brothers Muhammad ‘Abdul Rahman Khalifah. Ghusheh, who was in Kuwait, was entrusted with the mission of forming Hamas’s first political committee. Hamas’s Relation with Fatah and Jordan In chapter eight, Ghusheh sheds light on Hamas’s relation with Fatah and the PLO, and displays the dialogue meetings with Fatah where the first one was in Yemen on 10-12/8/1990 and the second in August 1991. He also talks about the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait and his participation as a Hamas representative with the delegations in attempts to bridge the gap and convince the Iraqi leadership of withdrawal. He also talks about the development of the Brothers’ political role in Jordan after their huge victory in the parliamentary elections in 1989. He sheds light on the arrival of a number of Hamas leaders from Kuwait to Jordan and their relations with the Jordanian government. He points out to his appointment in late 1991 as an official spokesperson for Hamas, the dialogue with the Popular and the Democratic Fronts for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP and DFLP), and the meeting of the 10 factions, which led to the formation of a front to oppose the Oslo Accords. In chapter nine, Ghusheh talks about the development of the relation between Hamas and Jordan during 1992–1993, the development of the relation with Fatah and the stance towards Oslo Accords. He reveals the beginnings of Hamas’s external relations in the early 1993 especially concerning returning those displaced to Marj al-Zuhur, where meetings were held in Amman with officials from the embassies of the United States (US), United Kingdom (UK), Italy and Norway. However, at the end of March 1993, the US State Department issued a decision banning any contact with Hamas. In chapter 10, Ghusheh focuses on the period 1994–1996, and he mentions a number of Hamas activities and positions such as opposing the Oslo Accords, the self-immolation operations, the killing of Yahya ‘Ayyash. He also talks about Hamas’s relation with Fatah, the renewed tension in the relation with Jordan and the conditions that forced Musa Abu Marzuq and ‘Imad al-‘Alami to leave the country in 1995, in addition to electing Mish‘al as the head of the Political Bureau to succeed Abu Marzuq in late 1995. In chapter 11, Ghusheh displays the development of relations with Jordan, and he casts light on the assassination attempt that targeted Khalid Mish‘al, and its implications, besides the liberation of Sheikh Ahmad Yassin and his foreign tour. In the following chapter, he exposes the tension in the relations with the Jordan government and Intelligence in 1999. He also talks about the detention of Hamas leaders in Jordan, their life in prison, their political stances, and the expulsion to Qatar of four leaders namely Khalid Mish‘al, Ibrahim Ghusheh, Sami Khatir and ‘Izzat al-Rishq, and the complications that followed. In chapter 13, Ghusheh talks about the 2000–2001 period, and the development of the relations with Jordan, Damascus, and the Palestinian Authority, in addition to al-Aqsa Intifadah (uprising). He details the story of his return to Jordan in mid June 2000, and his detention in the airport for around two weeks, until the issue was settled according to a new agreement that had him travel to Bangkok then return to Jordan. Ghusheh never lost his vitality and he continued to follow up on different issues in the following years, while participating in miscellaneous events whenever he could. Yet, his situation in Jordan restricted his movement. “The Red Minaret” is a book rich with information and stances that any researcher of modern and contemporary history might need in relation to the Palestinian issue. Also, of importance is the index of names, places and institutions at the end of the book, which makes research work easier.