For the first time in any language, a book examines the life of Hans Luther, the German statesman whose career began at the tail end of the Second Empire and ended in the postwar years. Luther had a front-row seat for World War I, the Revolution of 1918, the Great Inflation, the Great Depression, and the rise of the Third Reich-serving as Hitler's first ambassador to the United States. C. Edmund Clingan chronicles the life of this controversial German politician, diplomat, and banker. Luther served as mayor of Essen during the Revolution of 1918, the Kapp Putsch, and the occupation of the Ruhr Valley by the French. Rising rapidly in the political ranks, he served as finance minister and then, briefly, as chancellor in 1925 and 1926. Many criticized his policies as president of the Reichsbank during the Great Depression. Adolf Hitler then appointed Luther to serve as ambassador to the United States. After being recalled to Germany in 1937, Luther retired from politics until after World War II, when he served the Federal Republic well into the 1950s.

A DAILY MAIL BOOK OF THE WEEK A SPECTATOR BOOK OF THE YEAR A DAILY TELEGRAPH BEST HISTORY BOOK OF 2023 ASPECTS OF HISTORY BOOKS OF THE YEAR A GUARDIAN BOOK OF THE YEAR 2023 Established in 1918–19, in the wake of Germany's catastrophic defeat in the First World War and the revolution that followed swiftly on its heels, the Weimar Republic ushered in widespread social reform, a radical cultural flowering and the most democratic conditions the German people had ever known. At its beginning, Weimar held out the hope that democracy, stability and prosperity would take root in Germany, but it was beset by frequent changes of government, waves of economic upheaval and spasms of violence of increasing intensity between the forces of left and right. Agitation and assassination by rightwing nationalists – enraged by the severity of the Treaty of Versailles and the acceptance of its terms by liberal German politicians – formed a threatening descant to the conciliatory efforts of successive coalition governments. Ultimately, the instabilities of Weimar would lead to the appointment as German Chancellor of the Nazi Fu ̈hrer Adolf Hitler, who created a one-party dictatorship that abandoned the rule of law, democracy and civil rights. In the words of Gustav Stresemann, Germany's Nobel Peace Prize-winning Foreign Minister from 1923 to 1929, Weimar democracy was 'dancing on a volcano'. The Weimar Years is a vivid and compelling narrative of a dramatic period in German history. Year by year, from 1918 to 1933, Frank McDonough covers the major events in both domestic and foreign policy and the personalities who shaped them, together with developments in music, art, theatre and literature. McDonough places particular focus on the parliamentary history of Weimar, arguing that it was the failure of parliamentary democracy to bring stability that eroded public confidence and allowed the power of the elected Reichstag to gradually diminish, culminating in Hitler's accession to power in January 1933. The Weimar Years is the tragic story of a rise and fall, as well as a warning of how, under poor leadership, economic pressure and unrelenting political volatility, a democracy can drift towards a form of authoritarian rule that eventually destroys it.

The larger issue of defining hegemony and dominance has gained a greater importance over the last dozen years. Whether addressed explicitly or implicitly, it is the issue that lies behind the many recent books on international relations. The ongoing "financial crisis" has given these issues new urgency. This book provides new and startling evidence drawn from foreign exchange markets and capital flow statistics. They demonstrate that the problem dates back to the end of 2000 and has been driven by political events as much as structural economic issues. Combined with the development of a structural energy problem, the financial problem generated a global economic crisis that has not ended. In Twilight's Last Gleaming, Edmund Clingan uses economic measurements to establish measures of political and military power. Clingan examines the changes in these measurements over the last two hundred years to establish how international power relations have been affected by changes in economic power. He considers the factors that contribute to and detract from economic power. Using these quantitative measures, he provides consistent definitions of "dominance" and "hegemony" that should become commonly used and contribute to more precise discourse in history and political science. These tools uncover the deeper issues behind the current problems of the United States.

What is the value of diplomacy? How does it affect the course of foreign affairs independent of the distribution of power and foreign policy interests? Theories of international relations too often implicitly reduce the dynamics and outcomes of diplomacy to structural factors rather than the subtle qualities of negotiation. If diplomacy is an independent effect on the conduct of world politics, it has to add value, and we have to be able to show what that value is. In Diplomacy's Value, Brian C. Rathbun sets forth a comprehensive theory of diplomacy, based on his understanding that political leaders have distinct diplomatic styles—coercive bargaining, reasoned dialogue, and pragmatic statecraft.Drawing on work in the psychology of negotiation, Rathbun explains how diplomatic styles are a function of the psychological attributes of leaders and the party coalitions they represent. The combination of these styles creates a certain spirit of negotiation that facilitates or obstructs agreement. Rathbun applies the argument to relations among France, Germany, and Great Britain during the 1920s as well as Palestinian-Israeli negotiations since the 1990s. His analysis, based on an intensive analysis of primary documents, shows how different diplomatic styles can successfully resolve apparently intractable dilemmas and equally, how they can thwart agreements that were seemingly within reach.

Over the past 250 years, Europe and the United States have changed from simple societies into complex, densely-populated, industrial powerhouses. Th s book explains how it happened in clear language intended for the general reader. Each chapter includes a timeline, key terms and persons, and web-based sources of writings from the time. "We may be through with the past, but the past is not through with us."

A riveting account of how the Nazi Party came to power and how the failures of the Weimar Republic and the shortsightedness of German politicians allowed it to happen. Why did democracy fall apart so quickly and completely in Germany in the 1930s? How did a democratic government allow Adolf Hitler to seize power? In The Death of Democracy, Benjamin Carter Hett answers these questions, and the story he tells has disturbing resonances for our own time. To say that Hitler was elected is too simple. He would never have come to power if Germany’s leading politicians had not responded to a spate of populist insurgencies by trying to co-opt him, a strategy that backed them into a corner from which the only way out was to bring the Nazis in. Hett lays bare the misguided confidence of conservative politicians who believed that Hitler and his followers would willingly support them, not recognizing that their efforts to use the Nazis actually played into Hitler’s hands. They had willingly given him the tools to turn Germany into a vicious dictatorship. Benjamin Carter Hett is a leading scholar of twentieth-century Germany and a gifted storyteller whose portraits of these feckless politicians show how fragile democracy can be when those in power do not respect it. He offers a powerful lesson for today, when democracy once again finds itself embattled and the siren song of strongmen sounds ever louder.

Revolution was the common theme as the world changed between the years 1770 and 1870. This book goes from the Battle of Golden Hill, where the first American blood was spilled fighting against the British, to the Meiji Restoration in Japan and Unification of Germany. Topics include the Enlightenment, the American and French Revolutions, Napoleon, Latin American Independence, Industrial Revolution, turmoil in the Muslim world, Shaka Zulu, Liberalism and Nationalism, the founding of Australia, Western-Asian conflicts, Napoleon III, and nation-state building in Italy, Japan, Germany, Canada, and the U.S. Everyone interested in the origins of revolutions and their consequences should read this book.

This book looks at the many transatlantic bonds which have linked and still link Germany and the United States. German immigrants to the Americas brought with them a good deal of cultural baggage. They cultivated their German heritage in their schools, churches, and clubs. They expressed pride in this heritage by erecting monuments to Goethe or Schiller, Beethoven or Wagner, Alexander von Humboldt or «Turnvater» Jahn. They claimed Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben, Carl Schurz, Gustave Koerner, and John A. Roebling as their own. But German-born or German-trained sculptors did not limit themselves to German subjects. They also paid tribute to America by creating sculptures of Benjamin Franklin, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and others who occupy a place of honor in American history. While a few German monuments can be found in Canada and in Latin America, the number of German monuments in the United States is surprisingly large. These monuments illustrate the contribution - often overlooked or ignored - of the German-American community to American society and American cultural life.

For the first time in any language, a book examines the life of Hans Luther, the German statesman whose career began at the tail end of the Weimar Republic, and ended in the immediate post-war years. Luther had a front-row seat for World War I, the Revolution of 1918, the Great Inflation, the Great Depression, and the rise of the Third Reich_serving as Hitler's first Ambassador to the United States.

Historian Sir John Wheeler-Bennett (1902–1975) was one of the twentieth century's most extraordinary political operators. Through an ability to make important connections, he became an authority on Germany in the inter-war years and knew all the German hierarchy, including Hitler and Hindenburg. He also was one of the last people to interview Trotsky, writing an important analysis of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty between Germany and the Soviet Union in 1917. As King George VI's official biographer, he met and interviewed all the major leaders in the post-war period, including Winston Churchill, Harry Truman, and members of the Royal Family; he also supervised young Jack Kennedy's master's thesis. With the first biography of Wheeler-Bennett Victoria Schofield has written a book tha will fascinate anyone interested in twentieth-century European history.