An immensely valuable and revealing book about the decades-long Naga national movement, containing interviews with leaders, ideologues and soldiers that have never been published before. This first-of-its-kind book tells the story of the Naga national movement from the inside. Based on extensive interviews of the Naga nationalists, conducted in the late 1990s in Bangkok, Kathmandu, Dimapur and Delhi, it explains why the Indo-Naga conflict has lasted more than seven decades, and why successive prime ministers of India, from Jawaharlal Nehru to Narendra Modi, have personally met the Naga leaders and tried to resolve the conflict. In Kuknalim, leaders and members of ten Naga tribes spread across India and Myanmar speak directly to the reader about their childhood experiences, reasons for joining the armed struggle, and their personal triumphs and tragedies. They recount their journeys from small impoverished mountain villages through the jungles of Myanmar to China--from where they carried back arms to fight for an independent Nagaland--and finally the journey to the negotiating table. These stories relate to the period of the Naga movement from World War II to 1997, when Naga nationalists under the NSCN (IM) entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Indian state and began peace talks. And in the introduction to the book and the different sections in it, the authors also write about subsequent events, besides providing the political context for each interview. A groundbreaking work, Kuknalim offers invaluable insights into the world of Naga insurgency and its geo-political significance. Without asking the reader to agree or disagree with the people and movement it profiles, the book also examines complex questions of identity politics; the role of religion in nationalism; and the sentiments that drive men and women to take up arms and endure extreme hardship in pursuit of their dreams.

An intervention in the field of dissenting writings by women political detainees in India in the 1970s, and it straddles three interlinked areas: politics, prison and writing. It focuses on writings arising out of Bengal's Naxalite movement (1967-1975) and from the pan-Indian period of Emergency (1975-1977).

Armed separatist insurgencies have created a real dilemma for many national governments of how much freedom to grant aggrieved minorities without releasing territorial sovereignty over the nation-state. This book examines different approaches that have been taken by seven states in South and Southeast Asia to try and resolve this dilemma through various offers of autonomy. Providing new insights into the conditions under which autonomy arrangements exacerbate or alleviate the problem of armed separatism, this comprehensive book includes in-depth analysis of the circumstances that lead men and women to take up arms in an effort to remove themselves from the state's borders by creating their own independent polity.

In the Shadows of Naga Insurgency is a fine-grained critique of the Naga struggle for political redemption, the state’s response to it, and the social corollaries and carry-overs of protracted political conflict on everyday life. Offering an ethnographic underview, Jelle Wouters illustrates an ‘insurgency complex’ that reveals how embodied experiences of resistance and state aggression, violence and volatility, and struggle and suffering link together to shape social norms, animate local agitations, and complicate inter-personal and inter-tribal relations in expected and unexpected ways. The book locates the historical experiences and agency of the Naga people and relates these to ordinary villagers’ perceptions, actions, and moral reasoning vis-à-vis both the Naga Movement and the state and its lucrative resources. It thus presses us to rethink our views on tribalism, conflict and ceasefire, development, corruption, and democratic politics.

This title was first published in 2000: An investigation of how the claims of minority groups for greater political power through 'autonomy' and 'secession' clash with the concerns of the nation-State, and how States’ refusals to respond positively to such claims contribute to the escalation of ethnic conflicts in contemporary multi-ethnic polities. In addition, this book examines the extent to which the international community is prepared to accommodate the concerns of minority groups beyond traditionally identified 'minority rights'. The validity of claims for autonomy with shared-sovereignty, autonomy as an inherent part of self-determination, autonomy as a solution to current ethnic conflicts, secessionist and irredentist movements and their impact on peace and security are analyzed in detail. Most importantly, whether minorities as such can secede from the State in which they live by virtue of self-determination is critically analyzed. The discussion of 'peoples' in the context of self-determination is the first detailed research on this subject to appear in international and human rights literature.

This ground-breaking Handbook explores the key legal, political and policy questions concerning the implementation of Indigenous rights across the world. Expert contributors analyse the complex dynamics of contestation, engagement, advocacy and refusal between governments and Indigenous Peoples, presenting a profound challenge to mainstream policy scholarship.

What is India? Who is an Indian? If for the present the answers seem to be self-evident they were by no means that for the half century that preceded the emergence of independent India in 1947. The imperial overlay on the South Asian sub-continent gave it a dimension of unity that made it one from the Khyber Pass to the Salween River, and by the mid-decade of the twentieth century, the vocabulary and perceptions of the independence movement had created a concept of Indian national identity feeling itself to be coterminous with the limits of British rule. But for many this new nationalism belied the realities, as seen by Straqhey at the turn of the century in the now-familiar passage: ‘There is not, and never was, an India, or even any country of India, possessing- according to European ideas – any sort of unity, physical, political, social or religious: no “Indian nation”, no “people of India” .’ These others challenged the assumptions of nationality and nationhood that the Congress Party came to take for granted, and, as the prospect of the departure of the British became real and then near, so the question of who should be left an Indian, subject to the rule of a government reflecting the native majority, became sharper. Under the leadership of Jinnah the mass of the Muslims of the sub-continent opted out of India, electing for a new nationality, that of Pakistan. Smaller groups raised the same claim as the Muslims, seeking to reject the accident of history that would make them subjects still of a government in Delhi after the British left: some Sikhs called for an independent Sikhistan; in the south, the Justice Party had long been urging the establishment of a separate Dravidian state when the British quit; the idea of a sovereign and united Bengal had been mooted in Calcutta. None of those ideas germinated then, and the India that came into existence upon the departure of the British was shaped by only one partition which created Pakistan. But one even smaller group whose political leadership had not only claimed the right to independence from India on the departure of the British but had also attempted to make its own unilateral declaration of independence, has even now not been reconciled to inclusion in India; and in consequence the Indian Army is, as it has been on and off for not far short of twenty years, engaged in another draconian attempt to crush the resistance of the people concerned, the Nagas. Please note that the terminology in the fields of minority rights and indigenous peoples’ rights has changed over time. MRG strives to reflect these changes as well as respect the right to self-identification on the part of minorities and indigenous peoples. At the same time, after over 50 years’ work, we know that our archive is of considerable interest to activists and researchers. Therefore, we make available as much of our back catalogue as possible, while being aware that the language used may not reflect current thinking on these issues.

The Sexual Violence and Impunity in South Asia research project (coordinated by Zubaan and supported by the International Development Research Centre) brings together, for the first time in the region, a vast body of knowledge on this important – yet silenced – subject. Six country volumes (one each on Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and two on India) comprising over fifty research papers and two book-length studies detail the histories of sexual violence and look at the systemic, institutional, societal, individual and community structures that work together to perpetuate impunity for perpetrators. This volume, the second on India, addresses the question of state impunity, suggesting that on the issue of the violation of human and civil rights, and particularly in relation to the question of sexual violence, the state has been an active and collusive partner in creating states of exception, where its own laws can be suspended and the rights of its citizens violated. Drawing on patterns of sexual violence in Kashmir, the Northeast of India, Chhattisgarh, Haryana and Rajasthan, the essays together focus on the long histories of militarization and regions of conflict, as well as the ‘normalized’ histories of caste violence which are rendered invisible because it is convenient to pretend they do not exist. Even as the writers note how heavily the odds are stacked against the victims and survivors of sexual violence, they turn their attention to recent histories of popular protest that have enabled speech. They stress that while this is both crucial and important, it is also necessary to note the absence of sufficient attention to the range of locations where sexual violence is endemic and often ignored. Resistance, speech, the breaking of silence, the surfacing of memory: these, as the writers powerfully argue, are the new weapons in the fight to destroy impunity and hold accountable the perpetrators of sexual violence. Published by Zubaan.