Anyone who has an interest in Labour or the left needs a copy of this brilliant compendium of left-leaning quotations. The collection features all the best quotes from all the great thinkers, whether they were reactionary or revolutionary, campaigning or policy-making, thinking aloud or writing it all down. The likes of Marx, Miliband, Attlee and Aristotle stand side by side in this neat reference guide, where you'll find the best of Brown, Blair and Balls along with all that Rousseau, Robespierre and Russell had to say. The Dictionary of Labour Quotations brings together insights, remarks, retorts, wit and wisdom, making it essential reading for everyone with a passion for the Labour Party, socialism or the left side of politics.

You'll need this thoughtful and entertaining assembly of conservative quotations if you're at all keen on politics. With more than 2,000 key quotes, this authoritative collection contains all the best conservatives and their sayings, whether they were standing up for what's right or standing up to the left, showing off their wit or showing that their foes were witless. It's got all the big names: everyone from Aquinas to Bagehot, Churchill to Cameron, Shakespeare to Thatcher. In The Dictionary of Conservative Quotations you'll find humour (Quayle) and inspiration (Burke), political punches (Hague) and ancient wisdom (Aristotle), all wrapped up into one slick, easy-to-use compendium. This book makes a vital reference source for anyone who cares for politics or the Conservatives and is a must-have for everyone with an interest in conservative thought.

This is a collection of the most influential speeches given since entering the new millennium. It is a timely book, capturing contemporary and powerful expressions of ideas and reasoning. Global in perspective, these speeches stand as unmediated and authentic testaments to the profound impact of great words and persuasive vision. During this period our mindset and culture have changed, reflecting the immense national and international changes the age has witnessed: the global financial crisis, the outbreak of international terrorism, the rise of new wealth in the developing world, austerity in Europe and the United States, and new opportunities for investment and influence. These speeches define our recent history and will be used by historians to understand us in the years and centuries to come.

At a time when great issues are crying out for resolution - financial and economic stagnation, an increasingly polarised society, global paralysis over climate change, and spiritual emptiness and loss of vision throughout the West - politics is dominated by spin and manipulation. Too many people feel confused, cynical and angry ... and poorly represented by a remote political elite in Westminster. Despite the crash, that elite are still clinging to the same old ideas that have been tried and found wanting; we're still being told that we're not allowed to think outside the box of Thatcher's capitalism. This book opens up a whole new vista - one that is radical but also practical. It presents a different model for business, a restructured banking system, an alternative economic policy, a reconfigured power structure, an industrial policy geared to the revival of manufacturing, a sharply different approach to employment and welfare, as well as inequality in society, and a fundamental reassessment of the handling of climate change. The State We Need answers the cry of the alienated many. It delivers a full analysis of the problems facing the British state, and offers the comprehensive, resonating vision of Britain for which we've all been waiting.

Behaviour is important. Whether this be the behaviour of those who saw it coming, or of those who constantly berated them. The behaviour of those who rode the boom and switched at the tipping point to ride the bust, or the behaviour of those who held on to their principled as the system collapsed around them. It was human behaviour after all, that led us to construct a bubble nobody suspected was dangerous, yet nonetheless would burst with disastrous consequences. Contrary to the views of many before the crash the cycle is inevitable - you cannot eliminate boom and bust. In a boom the bullish are promoted whilst the cautious are overlooked, reinforcing the cycle. This factor is generally ignored by the beautiful but flawed models of economic analysts. Since we cannot abolish the cycle, we must ensure that busts are not so dangerous in the future. The policy solutions are there if we're brave enough, from changing incentives, and creating fiscal and financial regulators with clout and discretion, through to changing corporate governance and shifting the power of executives.

FOREWORD BY PRIME MINISTER THERESA MAY When Constance Markievicz stood for election as MP for Dublin St Patrick's in 1918, few people believed she could win the seat – yet she did. A breakthrough in the bitter struggle for female enfranchisement had come earlier that year, followed by a second landmark piece of legislation allowing women to be elected to Parliament – and Markievicz duly became the first female MP. A member of Sinn Féin, she refused to take her seat. She did, however, pave the way for future generations, and only eleven months later, Nancy Astor entered the Commons. A century on from that historic event, 491 women have now passed through the hallowed doors of Parliament. Each one of these pioneers has fought tenaciously to introduce enduring reform, and in doing so has helped revolutionise Britain's political landscape, ensuring that women's contributions are not consigned to the history books. Containing profiles of every woman MP from 1918 to 1996, and with female contributors from Mary Beard to Caroline Lucas, Ruth Davidson to Yvette Cooper and Margaret Beckett to Ann Widdecombe, The Honourable Ladies is an indispensable and illuminating testament to the stories and achievements of these remarkable women.

The Privy Council is a centuries-old institution - yet, for an entity with such extensive influence over Britain's history, we know relatively little about it. What exactly does it do? To whom is it accountable? Just how much power does it hold over us? Some say it has no power at all, although you might not agree if you'd been sentenced to death in a former British overseas territory that still used the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council as its court of appeal; or if you were a lecturer having a row with your college, where the University Chancellor was a member of the royal family. Or, indeed, if you were a Prime Minister trying to establish a Royal Charter to control the press. Traditionally an advisory body to the sovereign, the Privy Council's chequered past is full of scandals and secrecy, plots and counterplots - and while it may no longer have the authority to command a beheading, its reach continues to extend into both parliamentary and public life. In By Royal Appointment, David Rogers examines it all, taking us on a fascinating, anecdote-filled odyssey through the history of one of England's oldest and most secretive government bodies.

One of the world's top 40 manufacturing companies, one of the largest global petrochemicals producers and the biggest private company in the UK, INEOS has risen to prominence over the past twenty years led by three unassuming northern grammar school boys: majority owner Jim Ratcliffe and his business partners Andy Currie and John Reece. The company's prolific growth and unlikely success have reshaped the industry, though its first two decades have been punctuated by close calls and hard lessons, as well as unprecedented highs. As they celebrate the company's twentieth anniversary and continued evolution, Ratcliffe and his management team have opened up on the major junctions of the INEOS journey, and their insights into business and manufacturing today.

Born just as the British Empire was taking its last breaths, Martin Adeney was part of the 'twilight generation' caught between the imperial and postimperial ages, forced to navigate the insecurities - political, economic and cultural - faced by the British as we struggled to understand and adapt to our diminished place in the world order. A compelling blend of memoir and narrative history, Baggage of Empire leads us through the crumbling ruins of great industries and imperial trade cities; from the retreat of the northern newspaper empires to an almost exclusively southern, metropolitan viewpoint; through the tumultuous dominance and decline of the trade unions; to the rise of Thatcherism and big business. From the unique vantage point his career as a journalist has given him, particularly as industrial editor of BBC TV, Adeney notes that many of the issues that preoccupied us in the late '60s and early '70s - including immigration, housing, education, industry and communications - remain the daily currency of our political discourse. Despite all of our material prosperity and cultural self-confidence, we are all burdened, in one way or another, by the baggage of empire.

Discreet, inconspicuous, prudent... The perfect prime-ministerial aide is always in the background, a low-profile figure unknown outside the Westminster bubble. Unfortunately, reality often falls short of the ideal; for as long as the office of Prime Minister has existed, its occupants have been supported by a range of colourful individuals who have garnered public interest, controversy and criticism. At Power's Elbow tells their story for the first time, uncovering the truth behind three centuries' worth of prime ministers and their aides. Its subjects range from the early media-managers and election-fixers of Sir Robert Walpole, to the teams supporting the wartime premierships of David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, to the semi-official 'Department of the Prime Minister' established under Tony Blair. Along the way, Andrew Blick and George Jones demonstrate how these essential advisers can be a source of both solace and strife to their chiefs, solving and causing problems in almost equal measure. Above all, they reveal how a Prime Minister's approach to his staff can define his premiership, for better or for worse.