The essays in this book analyze and explain the crisis of democratic representation in five Andean countries: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela. In this region, disaffection with democracy, political parties, and legislatures has spread to an alarming degree. Many presidents have been forced from office, and many traditional parties have fallen by the wayside. These five countries have the potential to be negative examples in a region that has historically had strong demonstration and diffusion effects in terms of regime changes. "The Crisis of Democratic Representation in the Andes" addresses an important question for Latin America as well as other parts of the world: Why does representation sometimes fail to work?

2009 Outstanding Academic Title, Choice Almost thirty years have passed since Latin America joined democracy’s global “third wave,” and not a single government has reverted to what was once the most common form of authoritarianism: military rule. Behind this laudable record, however, lurk problems that are numerous and deep, ranging from an ominous resurgence of antidemocratic and economically irresponsible populism to the fragility and unreliability of key democratic institutions. A new addition to the Journal of Democracy series, this volume ponders both the successes and the difficulties that color Latin American politics today. The book brings together recent articles from the journal and adds new and updated material. In these essays, a distinguished roster of contributors thoughtfully examines democratic problems and prospects from the Rio Grande to Tierra del Fuego. The first section assesses regionwide trends, including the forces behind the much-discussed political “turn to the left,” the travails of the presidential form of government, the challenges of integrating newly mobilized indigenous populations into politics, the need for major reform in labor markets, and the implications of rising populism for democratic institutions and governance. The second section features important case studies of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela. The final section surveys Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean. Contributors: Jorge G. Castañeda, Matthew R. Cleary, Catherine M. Conaghan, Javier Corrales, Consuelo Cruz, Lucía Dammert, Daniel P. Erikson, Luis Estrada, Eric Farnsworth, Steven Levitsky, Scott Mainwaring, Cynthia McClintock, Marco A. Morales, María Victoria Murillo, Michael Penfold, Alejandro Poiré, Eduardo Posada-Carbó, Christopher Sabatini, Hector E. Schamis, Andreas Schedler, Mitchell A. Seligson, Lourdes Sola, Arturo Valenzuela, Donna Lee Van Cott

Latin American states took dramatic steps toward greater inclusion during the late twentieth and early twenty-first Centuries. Bringing together an accomplished group of scholars, this volume examines this shift by introducing three dimensions of inclusion: official recognition of historically excluded groups, access to policymaking, and resource redistribution. Tracing the movement along these dimensions since the 1990s, the editors argue that the endurance of democratic politics, combined with longstanding social inequalities, create the impetus for inclusionary reforms. Diverse chapters explore how factors such as the role of partisanship and electoral clientelism, constitutional design, state capacity, social protest, populism, commodity rents, international diffusion, and historical legacies encouraged or inhibited inclusionary reform during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Featuring original empirical evidence and a strong theoretical framework, the book considers cross-national variation, delves into the surprising paradoxes of inclusion, and identifies the obstacles hindering further fundamental change.

This book presents a new theory for why political regimes emerge, and why they subsequently survive or break down. It then analyzes the emergence, survival and fall of democracies and dictatorships in Latin America since 1900. Scott Mainwaring and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán argue for a theoretical approach situated between long-term structural and cultural explanations and short-term explanations that look at the decisions of specific leaders. They focus on the political preferences of powerful actors - the degree to which they embrace democracy as an intrinsically desirable end and their policy radicalism - to explain regime outcomes. They also demonstrate that transnational forces and influences are crucial to understand regional waves of democratization. Based on extensive research into the political histories of all twenty Latin American countries, this book offers the first extended analysis of regime emergence, survival and failure for all of Latin America over a long period of time.

The transition to democracy underway in Latin America since the 1980s has recently witnessed a resurgence of interest in experimenting with new forms of local governance emphasizing more participation by ordinary citizens. The hope is both to foster the spread of democracy and to improve equity in the distribution of resources. While participatory budgeting has been a favorite topic of many scholars studying this new phenomenon, there are many other types of ongoing experiments. In Barrio Democracy in Latin America, Eduardo Canel focuses our attention on the innovative participatory programs launched by the leftist government in Montevideo, Uruguay, in the early 1990s. Based on his extensive ethnographic fieldwork, Canel examines how local activists in three low-income neighborhoods in that city dealt with the opportunities and challenges of implementing democratic practices and building better relationships with sympathetic city officials.

Do political parties merely represent divisions in society? Until now, scholars and other observers have generally agreed that they do. But Building Blocs argues the reverse: that some political parties in fact shape divisions as they struggle to remake the social order. Drawing on the contributors' expertise in Indonesia, India, the United States, Canada, Egypt, and Turkey, this volume demonstrates further that the success and failure of parties to politicize social differences has dramatic consequences for democratic change, economic development, and other large-scale transformations. This politicization of divisions, or "political articulation," is neither the product of a single charismatic leader nor the machinations of state power, but is instead a constant call and response between parties and would-be constituents. When articulation becomes inconsistent, as it has in Indonesia, partisan calls grow faint and the resulting vacuum creates the possibility for other forms of political expression. However, when political parties exercise their power of interpellation efficiently, they are able to silence certain interests such as those of secular constituents in Turkey. Building Blocs exposes political parties as the most influential agencies that structure social cleavages and invites further critical investigation of the related consequences.

Populism and Liberal Democracy is the first book to offer a comprehensive theory about populism during both its emergence and consolidation phases in three geographical regions: Europe, Latin America and the United States. Based on the detailed comparison of all significant cases of populist governments (including Argentina, Greece, Peru, Italy, Venezuela, Ecuador, Hungary, and the U.S.) and two cases of populist failure (Spain and Brazil), each of the book's seven chapters addresses a specific question: What is populism? How to distinguish populists from non-populists? What causes populism? How and where does populism thrive? How do populists govern? Who is the populist voter? How does populism endanger democracy? If rising populism is a threat to liberal democratic politics, as this book clearly shows, it is only by answering the questions it posits that populism may be resisted successfully.

The Routeldge Handbook of Latin American Politics brings together the leading figures in the study of Latin America to present extensive empirical coverage and a cutting-edge examination of the central areas of inquiry in the region.

In this book, Porto analyzes the role of TV Globo in the democratization of Brazil. TV Globo, one of the world's largest media conglomerates, has a dominant position in Brazil's communications landscape. It also exports telenovelas to more than 130 countries and has established joint ventures with transnational media conglomerates. Beginning in the mid-1990s, TV Globo began a process of "opening," replacing its authoritarian model of journalism with a more independent reporting style. Representations of Brazil in prime time telenovelas have also shifted. Given this shift, Porto considers some of the following questions: •What explains these changes in Brazil's most powerful media company? •How are they related to processes of political and social democratization? •How did TV Globo's opening affect Brazil's emerging democracy, especially in terms of the quality of political accountability mechanisms? Porto uses the Brazilian case of TV Globo to analyze the larger links between democratization, civil society mobilization, and media change in transitional societies.

This book examines how opposition strategies can help or hinder potential autocrats' ability to erode democracy.