Drawing on largely unexplored nineteenth- and twentieth-century sources, this book offers an in-depth study of Britain’s presence in Argentina. Its subjects include the nineteenth-century rise of British trade, merchants and explorers, of investment and railways, and of British imperialism. Spanning the period from the Napoleonic Wars until the end of the twentieth century, it provides a comprehensive history of the unique British community in Argentina. Later sections examine the decline of British influence in Argentina from World War I into the early 1950s. Finally, the book traces links between British multinationals and the political breakdown in Argentina of the 1970s and early 1980s, leading into dictatorship and the Falklands War. Combining economic, social and political history, this extensive volume offers new insights into both the historical development of Argentina and of British interests overseas.

The author reminds us all of the huge part that British capital, British people and British technology played in transforming Argentina into a modern 20th century economy. He also analyses the reasons for Argentina's loss of momentum in the post-war world.Much of the history has been forgotten and/or misjudged. That does not make it any less important. In fact, it deserves to be recognised as there are lessons that could be learned from the “golden decade” of development. Those who have an interest in history and development, especially in Argentina, including academics, journalists, historians, and economists will all find this economic and social history of interest.

This book explores the links between the British government and the dictatorships of Argentina and Chile, 1973-82, using newly-opened British archives. It gives the most complete picture to date of British arms sales, military visits and diplomatic links with the Argentine and Chilean military regimes before the Falklands war. It also provides new evidence that Britain had strategic and economic interests in the Falkland Islands and was keen to exploit the oil around the Islands. It looks at the impact of private corporations and social movements, such as the Chile Solidarity Campaign and human rights groups, on foreign policy. By analyzing the social background of British diplomats and tracing the informal social networks between government officials and the private sector, it considers the pro-business biases of state officials. It describes how the Foreign Office tried to dissuade the Labour governments of 1974-79 from imposing sanctions on the Pinochet regime in Chile and discusses whether un-elected officials place constraints on politicians aiming to pursue an ‘ethical’ foreign policy.

During the nineteenth century, British-owned railways grew under the protection of an Argentine ruling elite that considered railways both instruments and symbols of progress. Under this program of support for foreign enterprise, Argentina had by 1914 built the largest railway network in Latin America. During the first decades of the twentieth century, the railways were successful in following a policy of calculated disregard for Argentine interests in general. However, following the end of World War I, the British economic empire began to decline and Argentine economic nationalism grew. A number of popularistic political movements incorporated economic nationalism into their platforms, and even among the ruling elite there were signs of increasing nationalistic sentiment. Although most studies of economic nationalism have emphasized the importance of the middle-class Radical party in the rise of xenophobia, Winthrop R. Wright's study shows that antiforeign economic nationalism was not entirely a reaction to the conservative elite. Between 1932 and 1938 the nationalistic programs of General Agustin Justo's government—basically a conservative regime—led the British interests to decide to sell their holdings. The British govemment had arrived at a position of supporting the economic withdrawal of the large British-owned firms long before Juan D. Perón appeared on the political scene. Perón combined traditional Argentine economic nationalism with his own scheme to gain power over all elements in Argentina. His solution to the railway problem, although more dramatically executed, did not differ greatly from that of the conservative Justo. Perón purchased the railways outright in 1947–1948, but his use of nationalism was in reality covering his own inability to outbargain Britain and the United States following the conclusion of World War II.

Though officially neutral until March 1945, Buenos Aires played a key role during World War II as a base for the South American intelligence operations of the major powers. The Hidden War in Argentina reveals the stories of the spymasters, British, Americans and Germans who plotted against each other throughout the Second World War in Argentina. In Buenos Aires, Johannes Siegfried Becker – codename 'Sargo' – was the man responsible for organizing most of the Nazi intelligence gathering in Latin America and the leader of 'Operation Bolivar', which sought to bring South America into the war on the side of the Axis powers. After the attack on Pearl Harbor the US state department pressured every South American country to join it in declaring war on Germany, and J Edgar Hoover authorized huge investments in South American intelligence operations. Argentina continued to refuse to join the conflict, triggering a US embargo that squeezed the country's economy to breaking point. Buenos Aires continued to be a hub for espionage even as the war in Europe was ending – hundreds of high-ranking Nazi exiles sought refuge there. This book is based on newly declassified files and details of the operations of MI6, the Abwehr, the Sicherheitsdienst (SD) and the FBI, as well as the OSS and the SOE. Most significantly, The Hidden War in Argentina reveals for the first time the coups of Britain's MI6 in South America.

At the opening of the twentieth century, Britain's influence in Argentina was at its peak and resembled, in certain ways, its position in countries such as Australia and Canada. Yet, in the following generation, British preeminence was persistently threatened, and Argentina's prospects plunged into a seemingly irreversible decline. Why did the Anglo-Argentine connection, which appeared so mutually beneficial in 1900, become strained to the breaking point by 1939? This book shows that Britain's efforts in Argentina were usually more pathetic than imperialistic, but that in periods of difficulty (1914 to 1918, and in the 1930s), British pressure unwittingly helped into power a political party that brought destruction, not merely to British interests, but also to the Argentine Republic's future promise.

An examination of Argentina's international behaviour during World War II. Relationships with the UK, the USA and Germany are considered, and in particular, the USA's long term hostile attitude towards the only country in Latin America that tried to question the American hegemony over the region.

While many books have been written on the Falklands War, this is the first to focus on the vital aspect of logistics. The challenges were huge; the lack of preparation time; the urgency; the huge distances involved; the need to requisition ships from trade to name but four.??After a brief discussion of events leading to Argentina's invasion the book describes in detail the rush to re-organise and deploy forces, despatch a large task force, the innovative solutions needed to sustain the Task Force, the vital staging base at Ascension Island, the in-theatre resupply, the set-backs and finally the restoring of order after victory.??Had the logistics plan failed, victory would have been impossible and humiliation inevitable, with no food for the troops, no ammunition for the guns, no medical support for casualties etc.??The lessons learnt have never been more important with increasing numbers of out-of-area operations required in remote trouble spots at short notice. The Falklands experience is crucial for the education of new generations of military planners and fascinating for military buffs and this book fills an important gap.

Klaus Gallo examines the early nineteenth century relationship between Great Britain and the Rio de la Plata, a period that represents a crucial point in the transformation of this area of South America into the independent state of Argentina. He highlights the initial ambiguities of British aims, with the government entertaining both conquest and military aid, Gallo shows how the relationship survived this confusion and became much stronger once the Spanish colony gained independence in 1810. He unravels the tangled foreign policy implications for Britain, particularly in terms of its alliance with Spain, that ultimately led to its recognition of Argentina as a sovereign state.