This book covers several areas of economic theory and political philosophy from the perspective of Austrian Economics and libertarianism. As such, it deals with Epistemology and Methodology, Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Labor Economics, International Economics, Political Philosophy, Law and Public Policy, all from the Austro-libertarian perspective. Hence, this book offers an integrated view of libertarianism and Austrian economics in the light of recent debates in the areas of economic science and political philosophy. Moreover, it builds from the foundations of the Austrian approach (epistemology and methodology), while the latter material deals with its application to the individual from the microeconomic perspective, which in turn allows an exploration of subjects in macroeconomics. Additionally, this work applies Austro-libertarianism to law, politics, and public policy. Thus, it offers a unified view of the entire approach, in a logical progression, allowing the readers to judge this perspective in full. Futerman and Block say that their book is not a manual, which I suppose it is not. But it is a collection of highly pertinent essays, from which you can understand what is mistaken in the orthodoxy of economics, law, and politics. The central term of art in Austrian economics is that phrase “human action.” It is the exercise of human will, not the blind bumping of one molecule against another or one organism against another, as in the physical sciences... Futerman and Block distinguish Austrian economics as a scientific enterprise based on liberty of the will from “libertarianism” as an advocacy based on policies implied by such liberty. “Although Austrian economics is positive and libertarianism is normative,” they write, “this book shows how both are related; how each can support the other.” Indeed they do. Deirdre N. McCloskey, PhD UIC Distinguished Professor of Economics and of History Emerita, Professor of English Emerita, Professor of Communication Emerita, University of Illinois at Chicago

Political philosophy is dominated by a myth, the myth of the necessity of the state. The state is considered necessary for the provision of many things, but primarily for peace and security. In this provocative book, Gerard Casey argues that social order can be spontaneously generated, that such spontaneous order is the norm in human society and that deviations from the ordered norms can be dealt with without recourse to the coercive power of the state. Casey presents a novel perspective on political philosophy, arguing against the conventional political philosophy pieties and defending a specific political position, which he identifies as 'libertarian anarchy'. The book includes a history of the concept of anarchy, an examination of the possibility of anarchic societies and an articulation of the nature of law and order within such societies. Casey presents his specific form of anarchy, undergirded by a theory of human action that prioritises liberty, as a philosophically and politically viable alternative to the standard positions in political theory.

Influential German sociologist Franz Oppenheimer invigorated the intellectual discourse of the early twentieth century with the controversial ideas he sets forth in his masterwork, The State. In it, Oppenheimer rejects the centuries-old notion of the social contract espoused by political philosophers such as John Locke. Instead, he posits that the state is a tool of oppression via which the ruling classes exert their power over less fortunate groups.

Do you believe in the freedom of individuals to determine their own future and solve problems cooperatively? Don't hurt people, and don't take their stuff. Simple and straightforward, that's liberty in a nutshell—no assembly required. And yet it seems like, more and more, the decisions Washington makes about what to do for us, or to us, or even against us, are having an increasingly adverse impact on our lives. Young people can't find jobs, millions of Americans are losing the health care plans they were promised they could keep, and every one of us is somehow being targeted, monitored, snooped on, conscripted, induced, taxed, subsidized, regulated, or otherwise manipulated by someone else's agenda, based on someone else's decisions made in some secret meeting or closed-door legislative deal. What gives? Our government is out of control. But setting things right again requires that you step up and take your freedom back. From Matt Kibbe, the influential leader of FreedomWorks, Don't Hurt People and Don't Take Their Stuff is the first true manifesto of a new libertarian grassroots movement. As political powermongers and crony corporatists in Washington continue to consolidate their control and infringe on our most fundamental liberties, Kibbe makes the libertarian case for freer people, more voluntary cooperation, and solving problems from the bottom up. He calls out the tyranny of faceless bureaucrats with too much power and discretion, laying out a clear road map for restoring liberty. A witty yet piercing critique of government's expanding control over you and your future, Don't Hurt People and Don't Take Their Stuff is a vital read for all those who cherish personal liberty and the unalienable right to choose your own path in life.

Have you ever wondered what libertarians think about vaccine mandates? About gun control? About racial and sexual inequalities? While libertarianism is well known as a political theory relating to the scope and justification of state authority, the breadth and depth of libertarian work on a wide range of other topics in social and political philosophy is less well known. This handbook is the first definitive reference on libertarianism that offers an in-depth survey of the central ideas from across philosophy, politics, and economics, including applications to contemporary policy issues. The forty chapters in this work provide an encyclopedic overview of libertarian scholarship, from foundational debates about natural rights theories vs. utilitarian approaches, to policy debates over immigration, punishment and policing, and intellectual property. Each chapter presents a comprehensive and up-to-date overview of historical and contemporary libertarian thought on its subject, and thus serves as an essential guide to current scholarship, and a starting place for discovering future lines of research. The book also contains a section on criticisms of libertarianism, written by leading scholars from the feminist, republican, socialist, and conservative perspectives, as well as a section on how libertarian political theory relates to various schools of economic thought, such as the Chicago, Austrian, Bloomington, and Public Choice schools. This book is an essential and comprehensive guide for anyone interested in libertarianism, whether sympathizer or critic.

This book offers a unique perspective on the State of Israel based on classical liberalism, both on a historical and theoretical level. Specifically, it makes a classical liberal and libertarian analysis based upon homesteading and private property rights to defend the State of Israel. As such, this work explores the history of the Jewish State, both to provide a positive case for its right to exist, and to clarify the myths surrounding its origin and development. At the same time, it deals with other relevant related subjects, such as the complex situation between Israel and the Palestinian Arabs, the military campaigns against the Jewish State, the connection between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism, and Israel’s economic miracle. The thorough analysis presented in this work intends to show not only why the voices and movements against Israel are wrong (including the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, BDS), but more importantly, why Israel is an example of human flourishing and freedom that every advocate for liberty should celebrate. The Classical Liberal Case for Israel makes the practical and moral case for Israel. It is based on truths and facts that need to be repeated over and over. Block & Futerman understand that the only way to defeat a big lie is with a big truth. Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of the State of Israel, Jerusalem, Israel Classical Liberalism, often associated with the spread West from Northern Europe in creating free nations, is argued here as applying to Israel, with ancient roots in the principles of human freedom. Vernon L. Smith, Ph.D. Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences (2002), and Professor, George L. Argyros Endowed Chair in Finance and Economics, Professor of Economics and Law, Smith Institute for Political Economy and Philosophy, at Chapman University.

Useful as a brief statement of where Hoppe stands on the most important issues within the libertrarian movement - and the most important issues of our age. Some regard Hoppe as the greatest living libertarian, others as the devil. The only point of agreement is that he is a thinker who cannot be ignored.