Few dimensions of dealing with Pakistan are the source of as much frustration as the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan, the subject of this Council Special Report commissioned by the Center for Preventive Action. Daniel Markey analyzes the unique challenges of this region, which has long been largely outside Pakistani government control. He argues that the United States must work with Islamabad to confront security threats and improve governance and economic opportunity in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), something that could reduce militancy. The report lays out a cooperative, incentives-based strategy for the United States that would aim to increase the capacity of the Pakistani government and its security institutions, foster political and economic reform, and build confidence in the bilateral relationship. At the same time, the report outlines alternatives to be considered should this positive approach fail to advance U.S. interests. These alternatives, be they coercive sanctions to induce Pakistan to act or unilateral U.S. action against security threats, could bring some short-term progress in dealing with significant threats -- but at the cost of bringing about a more hostile Pakistan that would cease to be a partner of any sort.

This book explains how colonial legacies and the postcolonial state of Pakistan negatively influenced the socio-political and cultural dynamics and the security situation in Pakistan’s Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It offers a local perspective on peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan’s Pashtun ‘tribal’ region. Discussing the history and background of the former-FATA region, the role of Pashtun conflict resolution mechanism of Jirga, and the persistence of colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) in the region, the author argues that the persistence of colonial legacies in the Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, especially the FCR, coupled with the overarching influence of the military on security policy has negatively impacted the security situation in the region. By focusing on the Jirga and Jirga-based Lashkars (or Pashtun militias), the book demonstrates how Pashtuns have engaged in their own initiatives to handle the rise of militancy in their region. Moreover, the book contends that, even after the introduction of constitutional reforms and FATA’s merger with the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, little has changed in the region, especially regarding the treatment of ‘tribal’ Pashtuns as equal citizens of Pakistan. This book explains, in detail, why indigenous methods of peace and conflict resolution, such as the Jirga, could play "some" role towards long-term peace in the South Asian region. Historically and contextually informed with a focus on North-West Pakistan, this book will be of interest to academics researching South Asian Studies, International Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies, terrorism, and traditional justice and restorative forms of peace-making.

This book explains how colonial legacies and the postcolonial state of Pakistan negatively influenced the socio-political and cultural dynamics and the security situation in Pakistan's Pashtun 'tribal' areas, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It offers a local perspective on peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan's Pashtun 'tribal' region. Discussing the history and background of the former-FATA region, the role of Pashtun conflict resolution mechanism of Jirga, and the persistence of colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) in the region, the author argues that the persistence of colonial legacies in the Pashtun 'tribal' areas, especially the FCR, coupled with the overarching influence of the military on security policy has negatively impacted the security situation in the region. By focusing on the Jirga and Jirga-based Lashkars (or Pashtun militias), the book demonstrates how Pashtuns have engaged in their own initiatives to handle the rise of militancy in their region. Moreover, the book contends that, even after the introduction of constitutional reforms and FATA's merger with the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, little has changed in the region, especially regarding the treatment of 'tribal' Pashtuns as equal citizens of Pakistan. This book explains, in detail, why indigenous methods of peace and conflict resolution, such as the Jirga, could play "some" role towards long-term peace in the South Asian region. Historically and contextually informed with a focus on North-West Pakistan, this book will be of interest to academics researching South Asian Studies, International Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies, terrorism, and traditional justice and restorative forms of peace-making.

Papers presented at the two-day National Seminar on Tribal Areas of Pakistan : Challenges and Responses, held at Islamabad in 2004.

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As made abundantly clear in the classified documents recently made public by WikiLeaks, Pakistan is the keystone in the international fight against terrorism today. After the US-led coalition targeted terrorist groups operating in Afghanistan, these groups, including al Qaeda and the Taliban, relocated to the Federally Administered Tribal Area of Pakistan. From its base in this remote, inhospitable region of Pakistan, al Qaeda and its associated cells have planned, prepared, and executed numerous terrorist attacks around the world, in addition to supporting and waging insurgencies in Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia, and elsewhere. This book is the first detailed analysis of the myriad insurgent groups working in Pakistan. Written by well-known expert on global terrorism Rohan Gunaratna and Khuram Iqbal, a leading scholar in Pakistan, the book examines and reviews the nature, structure, and agendas of the groups, their links to activists in other countries, such as India and Iran, and the difficulties of defeating terrorism in this part of the world. Drawing on extensive field research and interviews with government officials and former terrorists, the authors argue that Pakistan faces grave and continuing pressures from within, and that without steadfast international goodwill and support, the threats of extremism, terrorism, and insurgency will continue to grow. This timely and necessary book argues that if the international community is to win the battle against ideological extremism and operational terrorism around the world, then Pakistan should be in the vanguard of the fight.

"Pakistan's Quagmire encapsulates Pakistan's current problems and their genesis. It offers a detailed read on issues that occupy considerable space even outside Pakistan such as the army's omni-present role, the Islamists, the existential threat at the hands of al Qaeda and Tehrike Taliban Pakistan, and also puts fears of an Islamist or military re-takeover in a realistic perspective. It is a useful guide and analysis on the present day Pakistan for those interested in this turbulent region."-Imtiaz Gul, author of The Most Dangerous Place: Pakistan's Lawless Frontier Pakistan, the only country in the Islamic world that was formed in the name of Islam, is a nuclear power. Today, Pakistan is struggling for its very existence and is at war with itself. Pakistan's Quagmire focuses on the insurgency in Pakistan, a security problem not only for the country, but also for the region and the rest of the world. To foster a thorough understanding of the many aspects of the issue, this collection of essays looks at both theoretical and practical aspects of the problem, from international relations, conflict processes, and political Islam, to the annihilation of the TTP, the presence of Al-Qaeda in tribal regions, and the role of Pakistani military and agencies. The essays are contributed by international scholars, journalists, economists, nuclear security experts, security analysts, and strategists. A unique contribution, Pakistan's quagmire is an essential resource for anyone looking to better grasp the quagmire caused by insurgency and the ongoing war on terror in Pakistan. Usama Butt is a political and security researcher/analyst based in the UK. An op-ed columnist at Khaleej Times, he has written for many other newspapers and blogs in the UK, Middle East and Pakistan. His specialties lie in global Islamist Movements and the Middle Eastern/South Asian regions. N. Elahi is a doctoral candidate at the War Studies Department of King's College London. He also holds a Master's degree in Intelligence and International Security from King's College London, UK.

This report into the global security concerns related to Afghanistan and Pakistan recommends that the UK Government should re-focus its wide-ranging objectives in Afghanistan and concentrate its limited resources on one priority: security. The UK has experienced mission creep, from its initial goal of countering international terrorism, into the realms of counter-insurgency, counter-narcotics, protection of human rights and state building. The Committee recommends that the lead international role on counter-narcotics should be transferred away from the UK. The Committee recognises that the security situation in Afghanistan will remain precarious for some time to come, but there can be no question of the international community abandoning Afghanistan. The issue at stake must be how best the UK and its allies can allocate responsibilities and share burdens so as to ensure that the country does not once again fall into the hands of those who seek to threaten the security of the UK and the West. The Committee says that a negotiated, Afghan-led political settlement with broad popular support represents the only realistic option for long-term security and stability in Afghanistan. There can be no serious prospect of meaningful discussions until Coalition Forces and the Afghan national security forces gain, and retain, the upper hand on security across the country, including in Helmand, and are then able to negotiate from a position of strength. The international effort by the UN, EU and individual countries in Afghanistan since 2001 has delivered much less than it promised and its impact has been significantly diluted by the absence of a unified vision and strategy, grounded in the realities of Afghanistan's history, culture and politics.