What exactly is a black conservative, and why would anyone choose to be one? This question, deemed largely irrelevant in years past, is one that liberals can no longer afford to leave unanswered. While the 2006 midterm elections buoyed liberals, Democrats have in fact been losing ground with their African American base. In 1972, fewer than 10 percent of African Americans identified themselves as conservative; today nearly 30 percent-11.2 million-do. By contrast, the number of blacks who self-identify as liberal continues to decline, reaching a low of 13 percent in 2004. In this groundbreaking book, Bracey explains black conservatism's growing appeal and traces its hidden and underappreciated history. Though black conservatives are becoming the most visible voices within African American politics and culture, few realize that the black conservative tradition predates the Civil War and is an intellectual movement with deep historical roots. Bracey takes his readers on a remarkable journey, tracing the evolution of black conservative thought from its origins in antebellum Christian evangelism and petty entrepreneurialism to its contemporary expression in policy debates over affirmative action, law enforcement practices, and the corrosive effects of urban African American artistic and cultural expression. Bracey examines black neoconservatives like Shelby Steele and John McWhorter and reveals the philosophies of prominent political conservatives such as Clarence Thomas, Colin Powell, and Condoleezza Rice. With a revealing chapter on the infotainment effect of Bill Cosby, Chris Rock, pundits, and bloggers, Bracey analyzes the tradeoffs made by conservatives-many of which raise serious questions about whether conservatives today are effectively protecting the interests of blacks. Original and penetrating, Saviors or Sellouts is the first account of why conservatism remains a coherent and compelling alternative for African Americans today. "This marvelous book is required reading for all who want to understand the phenomenon of conservatism in the most progressive group of Americans-Black people." -Cornel West, author of Race Matters "This important and fascinating engagement with the growing black conservative movement illuminates one of the most vexing political trends of our time. Written by a leading African American liberal, it powerfully traces the intellectual character and practical appeal of this growing movement, and offers a realistic and empathetic, yet sharply critical, appraisal." -Ira Katznelson, author of When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America and Ruggles Professor of Political Science and History, Columbia University "Bold and provocative, Saviors or Sellouts challenges us to rethink longstanding political labels as part of larger quest for social justice and black community empowerment in the 21st century. -Peniel E. Joseph, author of Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America "In seeking to chart the topography of black conservatism, Bracey undertakes a task not only necessary to the new millenium's politics of blackness but also brave. Neither black liberals nor conservatives have a monopoly on the truth, nor does either group have an innate right to the hearts and minds of the community; it is only by respecting each other enough to engage in a respectful debate that blacks can heal themselves and fight for their preferences in the body politic. This work will aid immeasurably in achieving that goal. It is long overdue." -Debra J. Dickerson, author of The End of Blackness: Returning the Souls of Black Folk to their Rightful Owners "Saviors or Sellouts is a must read-not only to identify black conservatives but, indeed, to understand them." -Mary Fra

The concept of a “postracial” America —the dream of a nation beyond race — has attracted much attention over the course of the presidency of Barack Obama, suggesting that this idea is peculiar to the contemporary moment alone. Postracial America? An Interdisciplinary Study attempts to broaden the application of this idea by situating it in contexts that demonstrate how the idea of the postracial has been with America since its founding and will continue to be long after the Obama administration’s term ends. The chapters in this volume explore the idea of the postracial in the United States through a variety of critical lenses, including film studies; literature; aesthetics and conceptual thinking; politics; media representations; race in relation to gender, identity, and sexuality; and personal experiences. Through this diverse interdisciplinary exploration, this collection skeptically weighs the implications of holding up a postracial culture as an admirable goal for the United States.

This is a collection of biographical accounts and other writings about Godfrey Mwakikagile, a writer from Tanzania and specialist in African studies. Included are some autobiographical accounts. The work complements his autobiographical writings to provide a broader perspective on him and his contribution to the study of post-colonial Africa.

Analyses of racialisation processes within and beyond sport would be incomplete without a consideration of ethnicity and ethnic identities. Why? Because ethnicity, as a concept and as a focus for research, captures better the diverse experiences of social groups and the scope of belonging. Ethnic identities contribute to the way race and racism is constructed and experienced in sport, and to the ways in which racial ideologies are created, recreated and contested. Readers will find here a stimulating array of papers that capture varied aspects of the sport, race and ethnicity nexus around the world. The journey stretches as far afield as Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Ghana and the USA and, in so doing, it draws on a range of disciplinary approaches that converge or diverge by degrees. Such diversity is to be welcomed in an academic field characterized increasingly by the potential richness of people's experiences of sport, race and ethnicity within various cultural contexts. Included here are papers from a range of disciplines and approaches including sociology, politics, sports feminisms, critical race theory, a strengths perspective, Kaupapa Māori Theory, history and sports development. This book was published as a special issue of Sport and Society.

Godfrey Mwakikagile looks at the major changes Africa has gone through since the end of colonial rule including some of the events he witnessed in his home country Tanganyika – later Tanzania – since the late 1950s, the dawn of a new era when Africa was headed towards independence. One of the fundamental changes he looks at took place in the 1990s when most countries across the continent gradually moved from authoritarian rule to democracy, although he contends that the gains made during that transitional period have not been consolidated and sustained through the years. The majority of Africans still live under one form of authoritarian rule or another including outright dictatorship.

'Uncle Tom' is the most piercing epithet blacks can hurl at one another. It marks targets as race traitors, and that painful stain is often permanent. Much more than a slur, Uncle Tom is a vital component of a system of social norms in the black community that deters treachery. In this book, Brando Simeo Starkey provocatively argues that blacks must police racial loyalty and that those successfully prosecuted must be punished with the label Uncle Tom. This book shadows Uncle Tom throughout history to understand how these norms were constructed, disseminated, applied, and enforced. Why were Martin Luther King, Jr, Marcus Garvey, Muhammad Ali, Jackie Robinson, Thurgood Marshall and others accused of racial betrayal? In Defense of Uncle Tom answers this and other questions and insists that Uncle Tom is too valuable to discard. Because it deters treachery, this epithet helps build black solidarity, a golden tool in promoting racial progress.

The election of President Barack Obama signaled for many the realization of a post-racial America, a nation in which racism was no longer a defining social, cultural, and political issue. While many Americans espouse a colorblind racial ideology and publicly endorse the broad goals of integration and equal treatment without regard to race, in actuality this attitude serves to reify and legitimize racism and protects racial privileges by denying and minimizing the effects of systematic and institutionalized racism. Ina The Colorblind Screen, the contributors examine televisionOCOs role as the major discursive medium in the articulation and contestation of racialized identities in the United States. While the dominant mode of televisual racialization has shifted to a colorblind ideology that foregrounds racial differences in order to celebrate multicultural assimilation, the volume investigates how this practice denies the significant social, economic, and political realities and inequalities that continue to define race relations today. Focusing on such iconic figures as President Obama, LeBron James, and Oprah Winfrey, many chapters examine the ways in which race is read by television audiences and fans. Other essays focus on how visual constructions of race in dramas likea 24, a Sleeper Cell, anda The Wanted acontinue to conflate Arab and Muslim identities in post-9/11 television. The volume offers an important intervention in the study of the televisual representation of race, engaging with multiple aspects of the mythologies developing around notions of a post-racial America and the duplicitous discursive rationale offered by the ideology of colorblindness."

Is Toni Morrison's writing as politically progressive as is widely assumed? In this eye-opening study, critic William Jefferson argues that it is not. Analyzing Morrison's major texts from the 1970s, '80s, and '90s, Jefferson argues that Morrison's writing has advanced problematic conceptions of racial essentialism, sexuality, and agency that would not be identified as in any way progressive if issued from the pen of a white writer. More than merely showing readers underappreciated aspects of African-American history, Morrison's fiction has actively intervened in the politics of her era--and in ways politically reactionary and disturbing. Stepping back from Morrison's fiction, Jefferson asks why scholars have not recognized these political aspects of Morrison's writing. What he finds is a purportedly left-wing academy focused predominantly on recognizing the indisputably black aspects of Morrison's work. This "politics of recognition," unfortunately, also naturalizes Morrison's representations in the same manner liberal humanist criticism naturalized the representations of the pre-1970 literary canon.

What do you think of when you hear about an African American Republican? Are they heroes fighting against the expectation that all blacks must vote democratic? Are they Uncle Toms or sellouts, serving as traitors to their race? What is it really like to be a black person in the Republican Party? Black Elephants in the Room considers how race structures the political behavior of African American Republicans and discusses the dynamic relationship between race and political behavior in the purported “post-racial” context of US politics. Drawing on vivid first-person accounts, the book sheds light on the different ways black identity structures African Americans' membership in the Republican Party. Moving past rhetoric and politics, we begin to see the everyday people working to reconcile their commitment to black identity with their belief in Republican principles. And at the end, we learn the importance of understanding both the meanings African Americans attach to racial identity and the political contexts in which those meanings are developed and expressed.

This work focuses on the liberation struggle from the 1960s to the 1990s in the countries of southern Africa to end white minority rule. The author writes from personal experience. When the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in May 1963, Tanganyika (now Tanzania) was chosen to be the headquarters of the OAU Liberation Committee. All the African liberation movements went on to open their offices in Tanzania's capital Dar es Salaam. Many refugees fleeing oppression in the countries of southern Africa also went to live in Tanzania. The author was a young news reporter in Dar es Salaam in the early seventies and got the chance to know some of the freedom fighters and their leaders who were based there during those days. He also interviewed a number of them and has provided an additional perspective to his work as a primary source of some of the material included in his book. It was one of the most important periods in the history of post-colonial Africa. Most countries on the continent had won independence by 1968. The toughest struggle was in the few strongholds of white minority rule in the southern part of the continent and in the Portuguese colony of Guinea-Bissau/Cape Verde in West Africa which finally ended in victory. As President Nyerere once said: "Throughout history, nationalist struggles have had one end: victory."