This book illuminates several timeless principles of political philosophy that have come down to us through the ages in the writings of Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, Rousseau, and the authors of the Federalist Papers, Madison, Hamilton, and Jay. Among these principles are the following: that a good society is based on law; that a good constitution balances social classes against each other; that a mixed constitution is best for this purpose; that popular sovereignty is the best foundation for a just and stable constitution; and that representative government is best for a large, complex society. In this valuable and accessibly written guide to the fundamentals of political thought, Irving Zeitlin shows that certain thinkers have given us insights that rise above historical context - 'trans-historical principles' that can provide the political scientist with an element of foresight, an ability not to predict events but to anticipate a certain range of possibilities. While the historian studies unique and unrepeatable circumstances such as those, for example, that gave rise to Julius Caesar, the political theorist, using these trans-historical principles, recognizes the conditions that can lead to Caesarism. Zeitlin draws on an unusual depth of knowledge, offering a lucid, interesting, and memorable summation of his chosen classic texts, in a work that will appeal strongly to his intended audience at the undergraduate level.

A comparative study of the ancient Mediterranean and Han China, seen through the lens of political culture.

A guide to the fundamentals of political thought. Zeitlin shows that certain thinkers have given us insights that rise above historical context - 'trans-historical principles' that can provide the political scientist with an element of foresight.

This book seeks to explain the political and religious factors leading to the economic reversal of fortunes between Europe and the Middle East.

Explains the theory of political survival, particularly in cases of dictators and despotic governments, arguing that political leaders seek to stay in power using any means necessary, most commonly by attending to the interests of certain coalitions.

The intellectual legacy of Confucianism has loomed large in efforts to understand China's past, present, and future. While Confucian ethics has been thoroughly explored, the question remains: what exactly is Confucian political thought? Classical Confucian Political Thought returns to the classical texts of the Confucian tradition to answer this vital question. Showing how Confucian ethics and politics diverge, Loubna El Amine argues that Confucian political thought is not a direct application of Confucian moral philosophy. Instead, contrary to the conventional view that Confucian rule aims to instill virtue in all members of society, El Amine demonstrates that its main aim is to promote political order. El Amine analyzes key aspects of the Confucian political vision, including the relationship between the ruler and the people, the typology of rulers, and the role of ministers and government officials. She also looks at Confucianism’s account of the mechanisms through which society is to be regulated, from welfare policies to rituals. She explains that the Confucian conception of the political leaves space open for the rule of those who are not virtuous if these rulers establish and maintain political order. She also contends that Confucians defend the duty to take part in government based on the benefits that such participation can bring to society. Classical Confucian Political Thought brings a new understanding to Confucian political theory by illustrating that it is not chiefly idealistic and centered on virtue, but rather realistic and driven by political concerns.

How power was distributed and exercised is a key issue in understanding attitudes and assumptions in late medieval England. The essays in this volume all deal with those who had the power to make political decisions, whether kings, nobles or gentry, courtiers or clergy. While ultimately power rested on force, it was enshrined in the law and more usually exercised by influence and by the dangling of reward. Most disputes were settled without violence, if often with recourse to prolonged struggles in the courts, but those who offended against established interests could be punished severely, as the cases of Sir John Mortimer and of Bishop Reginald Pecock show. These essays, presented to Gerald Harriss, who has done so much to illuminate the history of the period, show not only how power was exercised but also how men of the time thought about it. Contributors: Rowena E. Archer, Christine Carpenter, Jeremy Catto, Rosemary Horrox, R.W. Hoyle, Maurice Keen, Dominic Luckett, Philippa Maddern, S.J. Payling, Edward Powell, Anthony Smith, Simon Walker, Christopher Woolgar, Edmund Wright.

A frontier between both Christianity and Islam and between Francia and the Iberian Peninsula, the region that later became Catalonia was at the heart of the demographic and cultural expansion of the Carolingian empire between the 9th and 12th centuries. The author traces previously hidden social networks in this complex society.

Rome was the largest city in the ancient world. As the capital of the Roman Empire, it was clearly an exceptional city in terms of size, diversity and complexity. While the Colosseum, imperial palaces and Pantheon are among its most famous features, this volume explores Rome primarily as a city in which many thousands of men and women were born, lived and died. The thirty-one chapters by leading historians, classicists and archaeologists discuss issues ranging from the monuments and the games to the food and water supply, from policing and riots to domestic housing, from death and disease to pagan cults and the impact of Christianity. Richly illustrated, the volume introduces groundbreaking new research against the background of current debates and is designed as a readable survey accessible in particular to undergraduates and non-specialists.