This book examines how the Security Council has approached issues of gender equality since 2000. Written by academics, activists and practitioners the book challenges the reader to consider how women's participation, gender equality, sexual violence and the prevalence of economic disadvantages might be addressed in post-conflict communities.

This book examines how the Security Council has approached issues of gender equality since 2000. Written by academics, activists and practitioners the book challenges the reader to consider how women's participation, gender equality, sexual violence and the prevalence of economic disadvantages might be addressed in post-conflict communities.

At the time of its adoption in October 2000, United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) was hailed as a turning point for women involved in conflicts, peacemaking, peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction. Resolution 1325 required all efforts aimed at resolving conflicts and building peace to be inclusive, gender-sensitive and transformative for women. In recent years, National Action Plans (NAPs) on WPS have become one of the most commonly used tools by states to channel, assess and monitor the implementation of resolution 1325 and other UN WPS resolutions. This book presents an edited version of the proceedings of the NATO Advanced Research Workshop (ARW) on ‘National Action Plans on Women, Peace and Security’, held in Dublin, Ireland, in May 2016. The workshop brought together representatives from various states, as well as academics, and members of civil society and international organizations, to discuss their experiences with NAPs and to critically reflect on the role of NAPs in supporting the implementation by states of the WPS framework. The aim of this book is to disseminate the key arguments, findings, and recommendations which emerged from the discussions held at the ARW. It includes a summary report which sets out key arguments and recommendations and offers a number of key papers from the ARW, with the intention of contributing to academic and policy debates concerning gender and armed conflict and, more particularly, the WPS framework.

In the past decade, a sense of feminist 'success' has developed within the United Nations and international law, recognized in the Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security, the increased jurisprudence on gender based crimes in armed conflict from the ICTR/Y and the ICC, the creation of UN Women, and Security Council sanctions against perpetrators of sexual violence in armed conflict. Contributing to the development of feminist and gender scholarship on international law, Gina Heathcote provides a feminist analysis of the central pillars of international law, noting the advances and limitations of feminist approaches. Through incorporating into mainstream international legal studies specific critical and feminist narratives, this book considers the manner in which feminist thinking has changed international law, and the manner in which international law has remained impervious to key feminist dialogues. It argues for a return to structural bias feminism that engages the foundations of international law and uses gender as a method for challenging post-millennium narratives on fragmentation, the role of international institutions, the nature of legal authority, sovereignty, and the role of international legal experts.

This book provides a critical assessment of the impact of UN Resolution 1325 by examining the effect of peacebuilding missions on increasing gender equality within conflict-affected countries. UN Resolution 1325 was adopted in October 2000, and was the first time that the security concerns of women in situations of armed conflict and their role in peacebuilding was placed on the agenda of the UN Security Council. It was an important step forward in terms of bringing women’s rights and gender equality to bear in the UN’s peace and security agenda. More than a decade after the adoption of this Resolution, its practical reality is yet to be substantially felt on the ground in the very societies and regions where women remain disproportionately affected by armed conflict and grossly under-represented in peace processes. This realization, in part, led to the adoption in 2008 and 2009 of three other Security Council Resolutions, on sexual violence in conflict, violence against women, and for the development of indicators to measure progress in addressing women, peace and security issues. The book draws together the findings from eight countries and four regional contexts to provide guidance on how the impact of Resolution 1325 can be measured, and how peacekeeping operations could improve their capacity to effectively engender security. This book will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, gender studies, the United Nations, international security and IR in general.

Fifteen years after the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 which establishes the Women, Peace and Security agenda, there is now a need to assess the impacts of gender equality efforts, and to understand why and how gender equality reforms have advanced to the extent that they have. This book examines how international peace and security is re-envisioned from a gender perspective by mostly focusing on the nuances presented by the Asia Pacific region. It argues that despite the diversity of political, socio-cultural and economic systems in the Asia Pacific, women and girls in the region continue to experience similar forms of insecurities. Several countries in the Asia Pacific have demonstrated relative peace and stability. In addition, women’s leadership and participation in peacebuilding are and continue to be increasingly recognized in the region too. However, as the chapters in this book demonstrate, applying a critical gender analysis allows for the interrogation of ‘veneers’ of political order which can then mask or normalise everyday gendered insecurities. The analysis of country cases such as Myanmar, Cambodia and Fiji underscores a rethinking of the political order in the Asia Pacific which leaves existing gender inequalities intact. The chapters in this book were originally published in a special issue in the International Feminist Journal of Politics.

The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda is celebrated as a landmark global framework for achieving gender equality in peace and security governance. Its power is visible in two decades of United Nations resolutions, national action plans, regional initiatives, and countless activist, academic, and philanthropic projects. Yet despite this vitality, it is haunted by failure, as a lack of political will and stubborn patriarchal resistance frustrate its promise. This book offers a groundbreaking critical account of the WPS agenda, exploring its evolution in relation to the wider politics of global governance and feminism. Paul Kirby and Laura J. Shepherd argue that WPS is not a settled, cohesive policy but a field in flux, defined and disrupted by a growing number of national, supranational, subnational, and transnational agents who in turn act on an expanding catalogue of threats, from climate change to homophobia, challenging traditional boundaries of peace and security. Kirby and Shepherd reconceptualize WPS as a “policy ecosystem,” tracing interaction and contestation around the agenda across levels from the UN Security Council to military alliances to feminist activists. They combine analysis of a vast dataset of policy documents with key informant interviews and close readings of diplomacy, statecraft, the politics of indigeneity, counterinsurgency, antimilitarism, human rights, and the arms trade across the first twenty years of WPS. Far-reaching and incisive, Governing the Feminist Peace poses a provocative question: What if we abandoned the idea of the WPS agenda as a unified political project altogether?

This study challenges the easy assumption that peacekeeping as we've known it in the past will be the 'pill for every ill' in the future. A 'new world order' means new types of conflict breaking out almost anywhere in a world that is more volatile and less predictable than before. Contributors to this volume argue that we need to get back to basics; that there are sobering lessons to be learnt from Somalia, the Lebanon and Cambodia; that we need to ask some fundamental questions. Can peacekeeping be 'reformed' or must it be totally 'reinvented'? Are soldiers the best peacekeepers and, if not, who should replace them?

This volume examines the specific gender roles in peace and security. The authors analyse the implementation process of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in various countries and discuss systemic challenges concerning the Women, Peace and Security agenda. Through in-depth case studies, the authors shed new light on topics such as the gender-related mechanisms of peace processes, gender training practices for police personnel, and the importance of violence prevention. The volume studies the role of women in peace and security as well as questions of gender mainstreaming by adopting various theoretical concepts, including feminist theories, concepts of masculinity, organizational and security studies. It also highlights regional and transnational approaches for the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, namely the perspectives of the European Union, NATO, the UN bureaucracy and the civil society. It presents best cases and political advice for tackling the problem of gender inequality in peace and security.

This original study examines women's activism against war in areas as far apart as Sierra Leone, India, Colombia and Palestine. It shows women on different sides of conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and Israel addressing racism and refusing enmity and describes international networks of women opposing US and Western European militarism and the so-called 'war on terror'. These movements, though diverse, are generating an antimilitarist feminism that challenges how war and militarism are understood, both in academic studies and the mainstream anti-war movement. Gender, particularly the form taken by masculinity in a violent sex/gender system, is inseparably linked to economic and ethno-national factors in the perpetuation of war.