ôIt is now forty years,ö Walter Houghton writes, ôsince Lytton Strachey decided that we knew too much about the Victorian era to view its culture as a whole.öá Recently the tide has turned and the Victorians have been the subject of sympathetic ôperiod pieces,ö critical and biographical works, and extensive studies of their age, but the Victorian mind itself remains blurred for usùa bundle of various and often paradoxical ideas and attitudes.á Mr. Houghton explores these ideas and attitudes, studies their interrelationships, and traces their simultaneous existence to the general character of the age.á His inquiry is the more important because it demonstrates that to look into the Victorian mind is to see some of the primary sources of the modern mind.

Anarchism - the concept of a society without authority, of a civil order without any form of constitution or government - has fascinated people almost as long as we have possessed the power of speculative thought. In the general history of anarchism, the name of Peter Kropotkin dominates.Born in 1842 into an ancient military family of Russian princes, Kropotkin was selected as a child for the elite Corps of Pages by Tsar Nicholas I himself. Shortly before his death in 1921, he had moved so far from his aristocratic beginnings and attained such stature as a libertarian leader that he could write with impunity to Lenin, "e;Vladimir Ilyich, your concrete actions are completely unworthy of the ideas you pretend to hold."e;Woodcock and Avakumovic's biography, From Prince to Rebel, details the life that flowed between these two points in time. It surveys and analyses the most significant aspects of Kropotkin's life and thought: his formative years in Russia, 1842-1876, and the origins of his anarchist thinking (military service in eastern Siberia, the influence of the works of Proudhon and Bakunin, his role in the Chaikovsky Circle); his years as an migr in western Europe, 1876-1917, and the ripening of his political though (editor of Le Rvolt, his views on Marxist socialism); and his last years in the Soviet Union, 1917-1921, the revolution and civil war, and his meeting and correspondence with Lenin.Among the recent works of George Woodcock, a well-known Canadian author, are biographies of William Godwin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (Black Rose Books). Ivan Avakumovic is Professor of History at the University of British Colombia and the author of History of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.Table of ContentsIntroduction1. The Youth2. The Explorer3. The Convert4. The Agitator5. "e;The White Jesus"e;6. The Traveller7. The Writer8. The Exile9. The Neglected Sage10. The ProphetBibliographySupplement for 1971 EditionSupplement to the 1990 EditionIndex1990: 490 pages, index, illustrated

In an effort to create a secure urban environment in which residents can work, live, and prosper with minimal disruption, New York and London established a network of laws, policing, and municipal government in the nineteenth century aimed at building the confidence of the citizenry and creating stability for economic growth. At the same time, these two cities attempted to maintain an expansive level of free speech and assembly. Yet as democracy expanded in tandem with the size of the cities themselves, the two goals clashed, resulting in tensions over their compatibility. Treating nineteenth-century London and New York as case studies, Lisa Keller examines the development of sanctioned free speech, controlled public assembly, new urban regulations, and the quelling of riots, all in the name of a proper regard for order. Drawing on rich archival sources, Keller paints an intimate portrait of daily life in these cities and the intricacies of their emerging bureaucracies. She finds that New York eventually settled on a policy of preempting disruption before it occurred, while London chose a path of greater tolerance toward street activities. Keller concludes with an assessment of freedom in New York and London today and asks whether the scales have been tipped too strongly in favor of order and control.

Imperial Sceptics provides a highly original analysis of the emergence of opposition to the British Empire from 1850–1920. Departing from existing accounts, which have focused upon the Boer War and the writings of John Hobson, Gregory Claeys proposes a new chronology for the contours of resistance to imperial expansion. Claeys locates the impetus for such opposition in the late 1850s with the British followers of Auguste Comte. Tracing critical strands of anti-imperial thought through to the First World War, Claeys then scrutinises the full spectrum of socialist writings from the early 1880s onwards, revealing a fundamental division over whether a new conception of 'socialist imperialism' could appeal to the electorate and satisfy economic demands. Based upon extensive archival research, and utilising rare printed sources, Imperial Sceptics will prove a major contribution to our understanding of nineteenth-century political thought, shedding new light on theories of nationalism, patriotism, the state and religion.

This is Volume VII of twenty-two of a series on 20th Century Philosophy. Originally published 1925, in this is part two of three offering a collection personal statements by leading philosophical theorists-James Ward, E. Belfort Bax, G.E. Moore, Clement C.J. Webb, G. Dawes Hicks and others.

Indexes the Times, Sunday times and magazine, Times literary supplement, Times educational supplement, Times educational supplement Scotland, and the Times higher education supplement.

British Literature and the Life of Institutions charts a literary prehistory of the welfare state in Britain around 1900, but it also marks a major intervention in current theoretical debates about critique and the dialectical imagination. By placing literary studies in dialogue with political theory, philosophy, and the history of ideas, the book reclaims a substantive reformist language that we have ignored to our own loss. This reformist idiom made it possible to imagine the state as a speculative and aspirational idea—as a fully realized form of life rather than as an uninspiring ensemble of administrative procedures and bureaucratic processes. This volume traces the resonances of this idiom from the Victorian period to modernism, ranging from Mary Augusta Ward, George Gissing, and H. G. Wells, to Edward Carpenter, E. M. Forster, and Virginia Woolf. Compared to this reformist language, the economism that dominates current debates about the welfare state signals an impoverishment that is at once intellectual, cultural, and political. Critiquing the shortcomings of the welfare state comes naturally to us, but we often struggle to offer up convincing defences of its principles and aims. This book intervenes in these debates by urging a richer understanding of critique: if we want to defend the state, Kohlmann argues, we need to learn to think about it again.