Nonviolent methods of action have been a powerful tool since the early twentieth century for social protest and revolutionary social and political change, and there is diffuse awareness that nonviolence is an efficient spontaneous choice of movements, individuals and whole nations. Yet from a conceptual standpoint, nonviolence struggles to engage with key contemporary political issues: the role of religion in a post-secular world; the crisis of democracy; and the use of supposedly ‘nonviolent techniques’ for violent aims. Drawing on classic thinkers and contemporary authors, in particular the Italian philosopher Aldo Capitini, this book shows that nonviolence is inherently a non-systematic and flexible system with no pure, immaculate thought at its core. Instead, at the core of nonviolence there is praxis, which is impure because while it aims at freedom and plurality it is made of less than perfect actions performed in an imperfect environment by flawed individuals. Offering a more progressive, transformative and at the same time pluralistic concept of nonviolence, this book is an original conceptual analysis of political theory which will appeal to students of international relations, global politics, security studies, peace studies and democratic theory.

Visiting Martin Luther King Jr. at the peak of the Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott, journalist William Worthy almost sat on a loaded pistol. "Just for self defense," King assured him. It was not the only weapon King kept for such a purpose; one of his advisors remembered the reverend's Montgomery, Alabama home as "an arsenal." Like King, many ostensibly "nonviolent" civil rights activists embraced their constitutional right to selfprotection -- yet this crucial dimension of the Afro-American freedom struggle has been long ignored by history. In This Nonviolent Stuff'll Get You Killed, civil rights scholar Charles E. Cobb Jr. describes the vital role that armed self-defense played in the survival and liberation of black communities in America during the Southern Freedom Movement of the 1960s. In the Deep South, blacks often safeguarded themselves and their loved ones from white supremacist violence by bearing -- and, when necessary, using -- firearms. In much the same way, Cobb shows, nonviolent civil rights workers received critical support from black gun owners in the regions where they worked. Whether patrolling their neighborhoods, garrisoning their homes, or firing back at attackers, these courageous men and women and the weapons they carried were crucial to the movement's success. Giving voice to the World War II veterans, rural activists, volunteer security guards, and self-defense groups who took up arms to defend their lives and liberties, This Nonviolent Stuff'll Get You Killed lays bare the paradoxical relationship between the nonviolent civil rights struggle and the Second Amendment. Drawing on his firsthand experiences in the civil rights movement and interviews with fellow participants, Cobb provides a controversial examination of the crucial place of firearms in the fight for American freedom.

A persuasive account of the philosophy and power of nonviolence organizing, and a resource for building and sustaining effective social movements. Despite the rich history of nonviolent philosophy, many people today are unfamiliar with the basic principles and practices of nonviolence––even as these concepts have guided so many direct-action movements to overturn forms of racial apartheid, military and police violence, and dictatorships around the world. Revolutionary Nonviolence is a crucial resource on the long history of nonviolent philosophy through the teachings of Rev. James M. Lawson Jr., one of the great practitioners of revolution through deliberate and sustained nonviolence. His ongoing work demonstrates how we can overcome violence and oppression through organized direct action, presenting a powerful roadmap for a new generation of activists. Rev. Lawson’s work as a theologian, pastor, and social-change activist has inspired hope and liberation for more than sixty years. To hear and see him speak is to experience the power of the prophetic tradition in the African American and social gospel. In Revolutionary Nonviolence, Michael K. Honey and Kent Wong reflect on Rev. Lawson's talks and dialogues, from his speeches at the Nashville sit-in movement in 1960 to his lectures in the current UCLA curriculum. This volume provides a comprehensive introduction to Rev. Lawson's teachings on how to center nonviolence in successfully organizing for change.

We see nonviolent resistance all over today’s world, from Egypt’s Tahrir Square to New York Occupy. Although we think of the last century as one marked by wars and violent conflict, in fact it was just as much a century of nonviolence as the achievements of Mohandas Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. and peaceful protests like the one that removed Ferdinand Marcos from the Philippines clearly demonstrate. But what is nonviolence? What makes a campaign a nonviolent one, and how does it work? What values does it incorporate? In this unique study, Todd May, a philosopher who has himself participated in campaigns of nonviolent resistance, offers the first extended philosophical reflection on the particular and compelling political phenomenon of nonviolence. Drawing on both historical and contemporary examples, he examines the concept and objectives of nonviolence, and considers the different dynamics of nonviolence, from moral jiu-jitsu to nonviolent coercion. May goes on to explore the values that infuse nonviolent activity, especially the respect for dignity and the presupposition of equality, before taking a close-up look at the role of nonviolence in today’s world. Students of politics, peace studies, and philosophy, political activists, and those interested in the shape of current politics will find this book an invaluable source for understanding one of the most prevalent, but least reflected upon, political approaches of our world.

Speech given by Martin Luther King, Jr., on June 27, 1958 at the Friends General Conference Meeting held in Cape May, NJ; recalls the assistance of Quakers to the civil rights struggle.

Martin Luther King, Jr. developed a philosophical logic of nonviolence in terms of equality, structure, nonviolent direct action, and love. Here we look at the way King's analysis makes use of each concept with a special view to the context of other Black activist intellectuals. This ebook is a slightly edited version of earlier print editions.

Judith Butler’s new book shows how an ethic of nonviolence must be connected to a broader political struggle for social equality. Further, it argues that nonviolence is often misunderstood as a passive practice that emanates from a calm region of the soul, or as an individualist ethical relation to existing forms of power. But, in fact, nonviolence is an ethical position found in the midst of the political field. An aggressive form of nonviolence accepts that hostility is part of our psychic constitution, but values ambivalence as a way of checking the conversion of aggression into violence. One contemporary challenge to a politics of nonviolence points out that there is a difference of opinion on what counts as violence and nonviolence. The distinction between them can be mobilised in the service of ratifying the state’s monopoly on violence. Considering nonviolence as an ethical problem within a political philosophy requires a critique of individualism as well as an understanding of the psychosocial dimensions of violence. Butler draws upon Foucault, Fanon, Freud, and Benjamin to consider how the interdiction against violence fails to include lives regarded as ungrievable. By considering how ‘racial phantasms’ inform justifications of state and administrative violence, Butler tracks how violence is often attributed to those who are most severely exposed to its lethal effects. The struggle for nonviolence is found in movements for social transformation that reframe the grievability of lives in light of social equality and whose ethical claims follow from an insight into the interdependency of life as the basis of social and political equality.

Over the last century brave people across the world have taken a stand against violence and oppression. Against all odds their actions have toppled governments, challenged unjust laws, and rebuilt societies. This is the power of nonviolent resistance, the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. From individuals like Muhammad Ali, whose refusal to be drafted helped galvanize American resistance to the Vietnam War, to movements such as Argentina's Mothers of the Disappeared, whose courageous vigils for their missing children contributed to the fall of the military government responsible for the kidnappings, After Gandhi profiles some of the major figures of nonviolent resistance from around the world.

"Gregg Barak′s Violence and Nonviolence is a thoughtful, comprehensive examination of violence in the United States. Structurally and conceptually this book works. Barak addresses violence in an interdisciplinary way, addressing history, psychology, biology, cultural studies, and sociology. Moreover, Barak does an excellent job of discussing the intersection of race, class, and gender and those relationships with violence." -- Heather Melton, University of Utah "Clearly, the strength of this book is its comprehensive and reciprocal approach. I found this to be an enjoyable and provocative book... that treats the topic holistically and offers a vision for overcoming current patterns of violence. I am convinced that this is an important work that will ultimately be well-received by undergraduates, graduate students, violence specialists, and general readers." -- Mathew T. Lee, University of Akron "I think that the strengths of this book are twofold: Barak′s approach disaggregates violence into interpersonal, institutional, and structural violence which is very important yet rarely done; the latter part of the book explores the pathways to nonviolence, an underrepresented area in the study of violence." --Charis Kubrin/Sociology, George Washington University "I have devoted close to 20 years studying and teaching about violence and I must say that this is a comprehensive book....I strongly believe that Barak has done an outstanding review of the extant literature and touches upon key issues of central concern to those of us who are social scientific experts on violence." --Walter Dekeseredy, Ohio University Violence and Nonviolence: Pathways to Understanding is the first book to provide an integrative, systematic approach to the study of violence and nonviolence in one volume. Eminent scholar and award-winning author Gregg Barak examines virtually all forms of violence—from verbal abuse to genocide—and treats all of these expressions of violence as interpersonal, institutional, and structural occurrences. In the context of recovery and nonviolence, Barak addresses peace and conflict studies, legal rights, social justice, and various nonviolent movements. Employing an interdisciplinary framework, Barak emphasizes the importance of culture, media, sexuality, gender, and social structure in developing a comprehensive theory of these two separate, but inseparable phenomena. This innovative and accessible volume includes Figures, tables, and illustrations that reinforce important concepts and relationships Introduces a new, original theory of reciprocal violence and nonviolence Numerous case studies on violence and recovery throughout the book Chapter summaries and review questions to aid student comprehension Models of nonviolence such as "mutuality," "altruistic humanism," "positive peacemaking," and "resiliency" Designed to be a core text for graduate and undergraduate courses on violence in criminology, sociology, criminal justice, and social work departments, Violence and Nonviolence is also an outstanding supplementary text for violence against women and criminal behavior courses. This book will transform the way students and readers think about violence, nonviolence, and the reciprocal relationship between the two.

Gandhian Thought Can Be Evaluated In Two Perspectives. One Is What Gandhi Basically Stands For. He Distrusted Industrialism And Had The Courage To Decry Industrialization With Mass Production Even When It Was At Its Peak. In That Spirit Gandhian View Of Human Society Is An Alternative To Modern Industrial Society.In The Other Perspective, Gandhian Thought Is Evaluated In Terms Of The Needs And Requirements Of The Existing Society And An Attempt Is Made To Reinterpret It To Suit Those Requirements. In This Endeavour, The Basic Spirit Of Gandhian Ideals, Very Often, Is Sacrificed Or Compromised.The Present Book Gandhian Theory Of Social Reconstruction Analyses Gandhian Thought In The First Perspective And Thereby Provides A Rational And Viable Framework Of Post-Industrial Human Society After Gandhian Ideals.It First Establishes That There Is The Need To Find An Alternative To Industrial Society And That The Alternative Could Be Based On Spirituality. The Concept Of Spirituality Is Discussed Here In Secular And Sociological Terms Avoiding All Jargons Of Various Religions And Philosophy.Further, The Book Propounds A New Unconventional Classification Of Human Motivation Encompassing The Entire Gamut Of Motivational Urge.It Also Introduces The Concept Of Soul Force As A New Dimension To The Realms Of Theory And Practice Of Social Reconstruction. This Is Based On The Awakening Of The Soul To Its Potential Or Force That Gives Strength To The Individual At Least To Uphold One S Dignity And Self-Respect Which Are Being Violated In The Present Society Whether Of The West Or Of The East. For Creating And Sustaining Soul Force, This Theory Provides Appropriate Instruments And Methods.The Book Also Outlines The Constitution Of A Non-Violent Society Incorporating Such Ingredients As May Lead To The Emergence Of A Non-Violent And Spiritual Social Order. The Book Then Goes On To Discuss The Method Of Non-Violent Action In The Manner Of A Process As A Gandhian Technique For Conflict Resolution, Fighting Against Social Injustice And Exploitation And Rebuilding The New Society.One May Ridicule The Theory As Utopian. But The Goals Should Always Be Set On The Highest Side Even Though They May Never Be Realized In Their Completeness. One Should Constantly Try To Reach Them As High As Possible To The Best Of One S Capacity. The Goals Should Never Be Set On The Lower Level.This Book Opens Up Many New Vistas For Research And Joins The Current Debate In Political And Economic Fields On Social Reconstruction Going On Since The Second World War And More So After The Collapse Of Communism In Soviet Russia And The 9/11 Events That Have Agitated The Human Conscience.