An analysis of presidential vetoes from FDR to Jimmy Carter which clarifies the problems caused by the veto and reveals how it has shaped public policy, Watson concludes that the veto power has operated well both in terms of public policy and relations between Congress and the president and argues that it would be a mistake to alter it through the adoption of an item veto.

For years the public has become increasingly disillusioned and cynical about its governmental institutions. In the face of alarming problems-most notably the $400 billion budget deficit-the government seems deadlocked, reduced to partisan posturing and bickering, with the president and Congress blaming each other for failure. And neither party can be held accountable. The public tendency is to blame individual leaders- or politicians as a class-but an insistent and growing number of experienced statesmen and political scientists believe that much of the difficulty can be traced to the governmental structure itself, designed in the eighteenth century and essentially unchanged since then. Is that inherited constitutional system adequate to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century, or has the time come for fundamental change? Should we adopt an electoral system that encourages unified control of the presidency, the Senate and the House? Lengthen terms of office? Limit congressional terms? Abolish or modify the electoral college? Introduce a mechanism for calling special elections? Permit legislators to hold executive offices? Redistribute the balance of powers within the governmental system? In this revised edition of his highly acclaimed 1986 volume, James Sundquist reviews the origins and rationale of the constitutional structure and the current debate about whether reform is needed, then raises practical questions about what changes might work best if a consensus should emerge that the national government is too prone to stalemate to meet its responsibilities. Analyzing the main proposals advanced to adapt the Constitution to current conditions, he attempts to separate the workable ideas from the unworkable, the effective from the ineffective, the possibly feasible from the wholly infeasible, and finally arrives at a set of recommendations of his own.

The Tenth Edition brings together the high-quality research expected from this trusted text, with comprehensive and comparative analysis of the fifty U.S. states.

Politics in the American States, Twelfth Edition, brings together the high-caliber research expected from this trusted text, with comprehensive and comparative analysis of the fifty states. Fully updated for all major developments in the study of state-level politics, the editors and chapter contributors keep pace with the transformation of American states and their study.

Winner of the 2017 Mac Jewell Enduring Contribution Award of the APSA's State Politics and Policy Section. Politics in the American States, Eleventh Edition, brings together the high-caliber research you expect from this trusted text, with comprehensive and comparative analysis of the 50 states. Fully updated for all major developments in the study of state-level politics, including capturing the results of the 2016 elections, editors Virginia Gray, Russell L. Hanson, and Thad Kousser bring insight and uncover the impact of key similarities and differences on the operation of the same basic political systems. Students will appreciate the book’s glossary, the fully up-to-date tables and figures, and the maps showcasing comparative data.

This is the first modern study of the veto. In addition to tracing the genesis and historical evolution from Ancient Rome, through the ultimate inclusion in the Constitution, it also explores the veto's consequences for modern presidents. In doing so, Spitzer promotes a key argument about the relation between the veto power and the Presidency -- namely, that the rise of the veto power, beginning with the first Chief Executive, is symptomatic of the rise of the strong modern Presidency, and has in fact been a major tool of Presidency-building. A special and revealing irony of the veto power is seen in the finding that, despite its monarchical roots and anti-majoritarian nature, the veto has become a key vehicle for presidents to appeal directly to, and on behalf of, the people. Thus, the veto's utility for presidents arises not only as a power to use against Congress, but also as a symbolic, plebiscitary tool.