Remarkable developments have taken place in the domain of political theory in the present age of liberalisation and globalisation. The concept of the nation-state has undergone a major change on account of the irresistible erosion of sovereignty in the internal and external spheres and the emergence of the model of a transnational state. Different models of state may be seen in the countries of the Third World. It has put a question mark on the future of the nation-state. The basic tenets of liberalism have been challenged by Neo-liberalism and Communitarianism with the result that now it is on the retreat. In the post-World War II period, the New Fabians had revised the tenets of Fabianism, but in the post-Cold War era it has been replaced by the Third Way. The pluralists had attacked the classical theory of sovereignty, but the neo-pluralists have given a new shape to it. The theme of political legitimacy has been revisited. The old concept of citizenship requires to be reinterpreted in the contexts of civic republicanism, multi-culturalism and identity politics. It has happened with other themes as well which may be taken note of in the emergence of new topics like Neo-colonialism, Post-colonialism, Post-communism and the like. The task of a political scientist is to comprehend and critically describe the underlying principles of political behaviour in their empirical as well as normative dimensions. Inter-disciplinary focus has become so popular now that the implications of the themes of various social sciences have penetrated into the domain of each other. The discipline of political science has become a study of `power' and of 'struggle' for its sake at any level -- local, regional, national and international. In the light of these salient features, university courses have been modernised, and the author has done well to cover them in this work so as to adequately meet the requirements of students offering this course at the degree and postgraduate levels and of candidates preparing for competitive examinations.

For Graduate and Post Graduate Students of Indian Universities and also useful for competitive examinations.

Benjamin Constant (1767-1830) was born in Switzerland and became one of France's leading writers, as well as a journalist, philosopher, and politician. His colourful life included a formative stay at the University of Edinburgh; service at the court of Brunswick, Germany; election to the French Tribunate; and initial opposition and subsequent support for Napoleon, even the drafting of a constitution for the Hundred Days. Constant wrote many books, essays, and pamphlets. His deepest conviction was that reform is hugely superior to revolution, both morally and politically. While Constant's fluid, dynamic style and lofty eloquence do not always make for easy reading, his text forms a coherent whole, and in his translation Dennis O'Keeffe has focused on retaining the 'general elegance and subtle rhetoric' of the original. Sir Isaiah Berlin called Constant 'the most eloquent of all defenders of freedom and privacy' and believed to him we owe the notion of 'negative liberty', that is, what Biancamaria Fontana describes as "the protection of individual experience and choices from external interferences and constraints." To Constant it was relatively unimportant whether liberty was ultimately grounded in religion or metaphysics -- what mattered were the practical guarantees of practical freedom -- "autonomy in all those aspects of life that could cause no harm to others or to society as a whole." This translation is based on Etienne Hofmann's critical edition of Principes de politique (1980), complete with Constant's additions to the original work.

Since emerging in the late nineteenth century, political science has undergone a radical shift--from constructing grand narratives of national political development to producing empirical studies of individual political phenomena. What caused this change? Modern Political Science--the first authoritative history of Anglophone political science--argues that the field's transformation shouldn't be mistaken for a case of simple progress and increasing scientific precision. On the contrary, the book shows that political science is deeply historically contingent, driven both by its own inherited ideas and by the wider history in which it has developed. Focusing on the United States and the United Kingdom, and the exchanges between them, Modern Political Science contains contributions from leading political scientists, political theorists, and intellectual historians from both sides of the Atlantic. Together they provide a compelling account of the development of political science, its relation to other disciplines, the problems it currently faces, and possible solutions to these problems. Building on a growing interest in the history of political science, Modern Political Science is necessary reading for anyone who wants to understand how political science got to be what it is today--or what it might look like tomorrow.

This book presents the rational choice theories of collective action and social choice, applying them to problems of public policy and social justice. Joe Oppenheimer has crafted a basic survey of, and pedagogic guide to, the findings of public choice theory for political scientists. He describes the problems of collective action, institutional structures, regime change, and political leadership.

This student textbook introduces the concept of political theory from various viewpoints, such as justice and the law, government and the state, and equality and human rights. It analyzes the concepts of power, liberty and a series of political principles.

Despite the separation between classical and modern theories of government, contributors to Aristotle and Modern Politics find Aristotle a useful interlocutor for assessing both possibilities and limitations in contemporary politics. In this collection, noted political scientists, theologians, and philosophers discuss the magnitude of Aristotle's presence in contemporary debate and demonstrate some of the ways in which Aristotle sheds new light on contemporary problems. This engaging book also exhibits the persistence of political philosophy at a time when the pervasive influence of "ideology" and "historicism" lead many to deny its possibility. Although the authors of these essays differ on the nature of Aristotle's contribution, all are united by the conviction that he has something important to teach citizens of modern political societies. If the fundamental principles of modern politics were drawn from critical reflections of reason over and against the imposition of authority under its various guises, modern politics can best sustain itself by nurturing the critical attitude that initially brought it into being. Paradoxically, serious engagement with the "preliberal" thought of Aristotle can render contemporary debate more fruitful by bringing to light subtle limitations in the political discourse of any era, including our own. If the modern understanding of freedom is primarily freedom to speak and think for oneself, the essays in Aristotle and Modern Politics exhibit the persistence of political philosophy by thinking beyond limits often constricting contemporary paradigms.

Political theorists focus on the nature of justice, liberty, and equality while ignoring the institutions through which these ideals are achieved. Political scientists keep institutions in view but deploy a meager set of value-conceptions in analyzing them. A more political political theory is needed to address this gap, Jeremy Waldron argues.