Cyberspace is no longer a mystery. It has become irrevocably intertwined with everyday life, facilitating everything from reading the news and paying the bills to ordering birthday presents. We are in the midst of a revolution in mass communication, and there now exists the technology for creating new forms of community, empowering citizens, and challenging existing power structures. But will such changes occur? In this fascinating book Michael Margolis and David Resnick ponder the effects of cyberspace on American Politics. Our political system tends to normalize political activity, and thus, the Internet's vast potential could be lost, rendering it just another purveyor of ignored information. This broad examination begins with a history of cyberspace and moves through discussions of parties, political interest groups, candidates, mass media, information dissemination, and commercial uses of the Internet. Politics as Usual offers an innovative and exciting look into previously ignored aspects of the Internet and American politics.

The presidential election of 1944, which unfolded against the backdrop of the World War II, was the first since 1864—and one of only a few in all of US history—to take place while the nation was at war. After a brief primary season, the Republican Party settled upon New York governor Thomas E. Dewey, the former district attorney and popular special prosecutor of Legs Diamond and Lucky Luciano, as its nominee for president of the United States. The Democratic nominee for president, meanwhile, was the three-term incumbent, sixty-two year-old Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Sensitive to the wartime setting of the election, both Roosevelt and Dewey briefly adopted dignified and low-key electoral strategies early in their campaigns. Within a few months however, "politics as usual" returned as the campaign degenerated into a vigorously fought, chaotic, unpredictable, and highly competitive contest. While Politics as Usual is a comprehensive study of the campaign, Davis focuses attention on the loser, Dewey, and shows how he emerged as a central figure for the Republican Party. Davis examines the political landscape in the United States in the early 1940s, including the state of the two parties, and the rhetoric and strategies employed by both the Dewey and Roosevelt campaigns. He details the survival of partisanship in World War II America and the often overlooked role of Dewey—who sought to rebuild the Republican Party "to be worthy of national trust"—as party leader at such a critical time. Although Dewey fell short of victory, Dewey kept his party unified, helped steer it away from isolationist influences, and rebuilt it to fit into (and to be a relevant alternative within) the post-World War II, New Deal order.

Worldwide, human lives are rapidly improving. Education, health-care, technology, and political participation are becoming ever more universal, empowering human beings everywhere to enjoy security, economic sufficiency, equal citizenship, and a life in dignity. To be sure, there are some specially difficult areas disfavoured by climate, geography, local diseases, unenlightened cultures or political tyranny. Here progress is slow, and there may be set-backs. But the affluent states and many international organizations are working steadily to extend the blessings of modernity through trade and generous development assistance, and it won't be long until the last pockets of severe oppression and poverty are gone. Heavily promoted by Western governments and media, this comforting view of the world is widely shared, at least among the affluent. Pogge's new book presents an alternative view: Poverty and oppression persist on a massive scale; political and economic inequalities are rising dramatically both intra-nationally and globally. The affluent states and the international organizations they control knowingly contribute greatly to these evils - selfishly promoting rules and policies harmful to the poor while hypocritically pretending to set and promote ambitious development goals. Pogge's case studies include the $1/day poverty measurement exercise, the cosmetic statistics behind the first Millennium Development Goal, the War on Terror, and the proposed relaxation of the constraints on humanitarian intervention. A powerful moral analysis that shows what Western states would do if they really cared about the values they profess.

The presidential election of 1944, which unfolded against the backdrop of the World War II, was the first since 1864—and one of only a few in all of US history—to take place while the nation was at war. After a brief primary season, the Republican Party settled upon New York governor Thomas E. Dewey, the former district attorney and popular special prosecutor of Legs Diamond and Lucky Luciano, as its nominee for president of the United States. The Democratic nominee for president, meanwhile, was the three-term incumbent, sixty-two year-old Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Sensitive to the wartime setting of the election, both Roosevelt and Dewey briefly adopted dignified and low-key electoral strategies early in their campaigns. Within a few months however, "politics as usual" returned as the campaign degenerated into a vigorously fought, chaotic, unpredictable, and highly competitive contest. While Politics as Usual is a comprehensive study of the campaign, Davis focuses attention on the loser, Dewey, and shows how he emerged as a central figure for the Republican Party. Davis examines the political landscape in the United States in the early 1940s, including the state of the two parties, and the rhetoric and strategies employed by both the Dewey and Roosevelt campaigns. He details the survival of partisanship in World War II America and the often overlooked role of Dewey—who sought to rebuild the Republican Party "to be worthy of national trust"—as party leader at such a critical time. Although Dewey fell short of victory, Dewey kept his party unified, helped steer it away from isolationist influences, and rebuilt it to fit into (and to be a relevant alternative within) the post-World War II, New Deal order.

In many elections, candidates frame their appeals in gendered ways--they compete, for instance, over who is more "masculine." This is the case for male and female candidates alike. In the 2016 presidential election, however, the stark choice between the first major-party female candidate and a man who exhibited a persistent pattern of misogyny made the use of gender more prominent than in any previous election in the United States. Presidential campaigns often have an impact on downballot Congressional races, but the 2016 election provided a new opportunity to see the effects of misogyny. While much has been written about the 2016 election--and the shadow of 2016 clearly affected the pool of candidates in the 2018 midterms--this book looks at how the Trump and Clinton campaigns actually changed the behavior of more conventional candidates for Congress in 2016 and 2018. Over the past decade, those who study political parties have sought to understand changes in the relationship between groups and parties and how these changes have affected the ability of parties to develop coherent campaign strategies. The clear need for rapid adjustments in party strategy in the 2016 election provides an ideal means of testing whether today's political parties are more able or less able to respond to unexpected events. This book argues that Donald Trump's candidacy radically altered the nature of the 2016 congressional campaigns in two ways. First, it changed the issues of contention in many of these races. Trump's provocative calls for building a wall along the Mexican border and temporarily prohibiting immigration from Muslim countries inserted issues of race and ethnicity into elections and forced candidates to respond to his proposals. Most consequentially, however, Trump's attacks on women--including television personalities, politicians, and, at times, private citizens--alienated numerous potential supporters and placed many of his supporters (and downballot Republican candidates in particular) on the defensive. Second, expectations that Trump would lose the election influenced how candidates for lower office campaigned and how willing they were to connect their fortunes to those of their party's nominee. The fact that Trump was expected to lose--and was expected to lose in large part because of his misogyny--caused both major parties to direct more of their resources toward congressional races, and led many Republican candidates, especially women, to distance themselves from Trump. This book explores how the Trump and Clinton campaigns used gender as a political weapon, and how the presidential race changed the ways in which House and Senate campaigns were waged in 2016 and 2018.

Mary Ellen was born in Bonner Ferry, Idaho. Her family moved to Montana when her father, a section Foreman on the Great Northern Railroad, was transferred. She attended local schools and graduated from Whitefish High School. She completed a series of courses and worked as a Real Estate Appraiser before her election to the Montana House of Representatives in 1982. She served five terms on the power Appropriations Committee and chair of the Long-range Planning Subcommittee. Appointed to the Western Regional Economic Council, as the Montana Representative. Charged with economic development and regional oversight, the member were Montana, Idaho, Washington, Oregon, Alaska and Alberta, Canada. Mary Ellen also served on the Montana drug and alcohol abuse council. She served as chair, four years on the Montana Vo-tech school board. Asked to chair the United Way of the county, she raised the most substantial amount ever donated. She was selected “Woman of the Year” for Flathead County and received other honors and awards. Mary Ellen currently lives on an acre and a half on the Calaveras River in California.

An interdisciplinary study providing first-hand evidence of the everyday lives of politicians; what politicians actually do on 'the backstage' in political organizations. The book offers answers to the widely discussed phenomena of disenchantment with politics and depoliticization.

In 1950, only 30 percent of the world’s population lived in cities. By 2007, the planet’s population has doubled, and today, as many people live in cities as populated the entire planet in 1950. Eighty percent of the planet’s greenhouse gases are created by these energy-intensive urban centers. Thus, the key to creating climate change solutions resides with cities. Author and Ottawa city councilor Clive Doucet provides a razor-sharp insider’s perspective, stating his central theme: “It’s not about planning. It’s about politics.” Climate change is proceeding so quickly not for lack of knowledge, but because politicians who deviate from the car-based sprawl model cannot get elected. Urban Meltdown describes how we got here, why we got here, and what can be done about it, as evidenced by the author’s observations that: • Economic growth has no built-in environmental accountability. • Until the political thinking about growth and the progress model itself is changed, our environmental concerns will never be properly addressed. • We need a new governance paradigm at all three levels. • The cautionary tale of how the 1960s tried to take us down a different route failed, not for lack of leadership but because the system didn’t permit it. Urban Meltdown reveals, castigates, and inspires. This is an important book for anyone who cares about thinking differently, acting differently, and making a difference. Clive Doucet is an urban activist, well-known journalist, best-selling author, and the first poet ever elected to Ottawa City Council.

This book analyzes narcissism and politics and systematically explores the psychology of narcissism - the entitlement, the grandiosity and arrogance overlying insecurity, the sensitivity to criticism, and the hunger for acclaim - illustrating different narcissistic personality features through a spectrum of international and national politicians.

"In Party Crasher: A Gay Republican Challenges Politics as Usual, Richard Tafel, head of the Log Cabin Republicans, issues a challenge to some of America's most sacred political institutions. Using personal anecdotes as well as the stories of other gay and lesbian Republicans, Rich Tafel succeeds in humanizing the struggle he and others have undertaken in their efforts to have their party deal fairly with gays and gay issues, as well as their campaign to make gays aware of the benefits that can accrue from having political alliances with others besides traditional left-leaning Democrats." "The book is laid out in three sections: "Life," "Liberty," and "The Pursuit of Happiness." In the part entitled "Life," Tafel shows that gay political ideologies are a product of the rejection gays experience. The next section, "Liberty," shows how those ideologies play themselves out in the course of day-to-day American politics, and Tafel warns of the dangers gays face in being taken for granted by the Democratic Party while being written off by the Republicans." "In "The Pursuit of Happiness," Tafel argues that political strategies alone aren't enough to advance the cause of gay rights - spiritual values and morals, he says, must be at the heart of the gay strategy. Here he challenges both those within the gay community who reject moral language and spirituality and those in organized religion - particularly those in his own Christian faith - who view sexuality simply as a matter of choice, and a choice to be condemned if it is not the straight and narrow."--BOOK JACKET.Title Summary field provided by Blackwell North America, Inc. All Rights Reserved