Bangladesh did not exist as an independent state until 1971. Willem van Schendel's state-of-the-art history navigates the extraordinary twists and turns that created modern Bangladesh through ecological disaster, colonialism, partition, a war of independence and cultural renewal. In this revised and updated edition, Van Schendel offers a fascinating and highly readable account of life in Bangladesh over the last two millennia. Based on the latest academic research and covering the numerous historical developments of the 2010s, he provides an eloquent introduction to a fascinating country and its resilient and inventive people. A perfect survey for travellers, expats, students and scholars alike.

Peaceful legal and political ‘changing of the guards’ is taken for granted in developed democracies, but is not evident everywhere. As a relatively new democracy, marred by long periods of military rule, Bangladesh has been encountering serious problems because of a prevailing culture of mistrust, weak governance institutions, constant election manipulation and a peculiar socio-political history, which between 1990 and 2011 led to a unique form of transitional remedy in the form of an unelected neutral ‘caretaker covernment’ (CTG) during electoral transitions. This book provides a contextual analysis of the CTG mechanism including its inception, operation, manipulation by the government of the day and abrupt demise. It queries whether this constitutional provision, even if presently abolished after overseeing four acceptable general elections, actually remains a crucial tool to safeguard free and fair elections in Bangladesh. Given the backdrop of the culture of mistrust, the author examines whether holding national elections without a CTG, or an umpire of some kind, can settle the issue of credibility of a given government. The book portrays that even the management of elections is a matter of applying pluralist approaches. Considering the historical legacy and contemporary political trajectory of Bangladesh, the cause of deep-rooted mistrust is examined to better understand the rationale for the requirement, emergence and workings of the CTG structure. The book unveils that it is not only the lack of nation-building measures and governments’ wish to remain in power at any cost which lay behind the problems that Bangladesh faces today. Part of the problem is also the flawed logic of nation-building on the foundation of Western democratic norms which may be unsuitable in a South Asian cultural environment. Although democratic transitions, on the crutch of the CTG, have been useful in moments of crisis, its abolition creates the need for a new or revised transitional modality – perhaps akin to the CTG ethos – to oversee electoral governance, which will have to be renegotiated by the polity based on the people’s will. The book provides a valuable resource for researchers and academics working in the area of constitutional law, democratic transition, legal pluralism and election law.

This volume offers an understanding of institutional reforms, gender-related policy dynamics, the role of different actors in the policy process, and the impact of a particular policy on the state of women’s political participation in Bangladesh. The discussion is set against the background of the Fourth World Conference on Women, 1995, in Beijing, in which a Platform for Action signed by heads of governments expressed their countries’ commitment to achieve ‘gender equality and empowerment of women’ through ensuring integration of the gender perspective at all levels. In Bangladesh, notable among the initiatives undertaken was the enactment of the Local Government (Union Parishads) (Second Amendment) of 1997, through which one-third of seats were reserved for women in the Union Parishad (UP) and the system of direct election was introduced to elect women members in reserved seats. The Act of 1997 is considered to be a milestone, since it has enhanced women’s participation in the local government politics significantly. Against this background, the specific research questions that have been addressed in this volume include: the necessity of reform for enhancing women’s participation in politics; the context against which the Government of Bangladesh enacted the Act and the reasons such an initiative was not taken earlier; the actors behind the reforms and their role in the reform process; and the impact of the reform on the state of women’s participation at the local level in Bangladesh.

This book conceptualizes the politics of Bangladesh through an Islamic concept called ummah or the global brotherhood of Muslims. It demonstrates that, against the backdrop of geopolitics, capitalism and free flow of ideas, localization of this global religious concept at individual level, institutional level, major party platforms and state has cemented the current political condition in Bangladesh in which religiosity, religious intolerance, Islamization and extremism take place. By exploring the effects of ummah in Bangladeshi politics, this book shows how major political parties have mainstreamed political Islam in the country. The book rejects the long standing scholarly claim of religious-secular distinction in Bangladeshi politics and argues that with most Muslim-dominated states, there are no major secular parties in Bangladesh. There are only Islamic parties, which are more or less Islamic. The purely ‘rational’ domain of politics in Bangladesh is long lost, and political Islam sets the framework for politics in the country. The reason behind this logic of Bangladeshi politics is formed, contained and expanded by ummah.

For almost eighty years, researchers seeking governmental and political information on countries around the globe have turned to Political Handbook of the World for the most authoritative and complete presentation of facts and analysis. CQ Press welcomes this renowned publication to its list of acclaimed reference sources, bringing its many current devotees - and future users - a new edition for 2005 - 2006, with a commitment to continuing the editorial integrity that has become the hallmark of this resource since its initial publication in 1928. Political Handbook of the World provides thorough and accurate information on the major aspects of each country's governmental and political composition. As a convenient, one-volume source for global political information, each edition features country profiles that include the following: Key facts: Political status, area, population, major urban centers, official language, monetary unit, heads of government, heads of state, ambassadors, and US and UN representation, Government and political history: Historical trends, regime changes, constitutional history, and regional and global policy issues of concern, Current issues: Headline-making events, trends, controversies, and challenges, Political parties and organizations: Leading and minor parties, quasi-partisan and extra-systemic organizations, alliances, party histories, ideology, and leadership, Legislatures and cabinets: Recent national election results, legislative leaders, cabinet ministers, Communications: Names, circulation, and political affiliation of major national media; news agencies; television coverage and Internet usage. In addition, Political Handbook of the World profiles 120 intergovernmental organizations, such as OPEC, NATO, the WTO, world and regional development banks, and the agencies and specialized bodies of the United Nations. Book jacket.

This Pivot explores the mechanism of election manipulation in ostensibly democratic but essentially authoritarian systems called the hybrid regime, using the 2018 parliamentary elections in Bangladesh as an example. The 2018 election has delivered an unprecedented victory to the incumbent Bangladesh Awami League. Elections pose serious dilemmas for the leaders of hybrid regimes. While contested elections bolster their claims of democracy and augment their legitimacy, they can also threaten the status quo. Faced with the challenge, the incumbents tend to hold stage-managed elections. This book offers incisive examination of Bangladesh’s political environment, rigorous scrutiny of the roles of state institutions including the law enforcing agencies, and meticulous analysis of election results. It also fills in a gap in the extant hybrid regime literature which seldom explores the strategies of engineered elections.

Few places are as politically precarious as Bangladesh, even fewer as crowded. Its 57,000 or so square miles are some of the world's most inhabited. Often described as a definitive case of the bankruptcy of postcolonial governance, it is also one of the poorest among the most densely populated nations. In spite of an overriding anxiety of exhaustion, there are a few important caveats to the familiar feelings of despair—a growing economy, and an uneven, yet robust, nationalist sentiment—which, together, generate revealing paradoxes. In this book, Nusrat Sabina Chowdhury offers insight into what she calls "the paradoxes of the popular," or the constitutive contradictions of popular politics. The focus here is on mass protests, long considered the primary medium of meaningful change in this part of the world. Chowdhury writes provocatively about political life in Bangladesh in a rich ethnography that studies some of the most consequential protests of the last decade, spanning both rural and urban Bangladesh. By making the crowd its starting point and analytical locus, this book tacks between multiple sites of public political gatherings and pays attention to the ephemeral and often accidental configurations of the crowd. Ultimately, Chowdhury makes an original case for the crowd as a defining feature and a foundational force of democratic practices in South Asia and beyond.

The best country-by-country assessment of human rights. The human rights records of more than ninety countries and territories are put into perspective in Human Rights Watch's signature yearly report. Reflecting extensive investigative work undertaken by Human Rights Watch staff, in close partnership with domestic human rights activists, the annual World Report is an invaluable resource for journalists, diplomats, and citizens, and is a must-read for anyone interested in the fight to protect human rights in every corner of the globe.

This book is the first of its kind to offer an understanding, analysis, and prediction of the state of civil society in Bangladesh in relation to development and democracy. It is a research attempt to reveal the paradox found in developing countries like Bangladesh where there are numerous and active civil society organizations (CSOs) that have had almost no influence in consolidating democracy. This book, however, also qualifies the normative assumption on the positive relationship between civil society and democracy asserted by the mainstream neo-Tocquevillean School that has a profound influence on donor policies. Readers are introduced to civil society in Bangladesh from a broad perspective. Rather than confining the analysis to NGOs, chapters explore the origin, nature, and function of both modern and conventional CSOs, which helps to provide a more authentic understanding of the genuine state of civil society in relation to other actors in the political system. Combining survey data analyses and empirical observations with carefully chosen case studies, the book reveals that CSOs participate very actively in social services. This research also reveals that these highly active CSOs in the field of social development lack the necessary attributes for ensuring participation, proper interest articulation and monitoring of the state. Through systematic analysis, the book shows that political structures—and for Bangladesh, particularly political parties—along with vertical social relationships such as clientelism, patronage, nepotism, and corruption have contributed to a non-vigilant civil society in Bangladesh, although it often is spoken of in different terms. This book is highly recommended for researchers, students, and development practitioners interested in South Asia as well as in understanding the potentials and limitations of civil society in relation to development and democracy. Farhat Tasnim's book is a comprehensive treatment of civil society in Bangladesh. It will serve as a useful resource for future researchers in this field for a long time to come. Harry Blair, Yale University, USA Farhat Tasnim provides in this book a new perspective on one of the essential cases of civil society study, Bangladesh. Her penetrating analysis of the relationship of civil society organizations and democracy in Bangladesh should attract a wide readership. This is an important book not only for students of Bangladesh, but for scholars and practitioners interested in the relationship of civil society organizations and democracy. Robert J. Pekkanen, University of Washington, USA