The study of patron-client politics is new to the study of Hong Kong political science. This book examines whether patron-client relations are critical to the electoral victory of candidates; how the political elites cultivate support from clients in order to obtain more votes during local elections; and tests the extent to which whether patron-client relations are crucial in order for candidates to obtain more ballots during elections. Covering patron-client politics and public administration in Hong Kong; the electoral dynamics including the Chief Executive elections and the Legislative Council elections; the cooptation of key elites by using patron-client mechanism; the study of the committees and elites who have been politically co-opted; the appointment mechanisms that have played a crucial role in patron-clientelism; and finally the China factor in the entire processes and politics of patron-client politics. Bruce Kwong finds that the better candidates cultivate patron-client relations, the greater their chance of winning the election; and the smaller the size of the electoral constituency, the greater the impact of patron-client relations. Finally, the book stresses the role of Beijing as a powerful patron shaping the Hong Kong Chief Executive and the latter’s clients and analyzes the political implications and long-term consequences of patron-client politics in Hong Kong.

This book offers a novel and parsimonious framework to help understand Hong Kong’s lengthy democratic transition by analyzing the electoral dynamics of the city’s competitive authoritarian political system, where pro-Beijing and pro-democracy parties have struggled to keep each other in check. The author demonstrates how a relatively liberal media environment has shaped the electoral incentives of the opposition and the pro-establishment elite differently, which has helped the latter improve its basis of electoral support. The political explanation the book puts forward seeks to shed new light on why many autocracies are interested in regularly holding elections that are considered somewhat competitive. This book will be of great interest not only to specialists in comparative studies of democratization, but also to all those concerned with Hong Kong’s democratic transition.

This book critically assesses the implementation of the "one country, two systems" in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) from the political, judicial, legal, economic and societal dimensions. The author contends that there has been a gradual process of mainlandization of the HKSAR, meaning that Hong Kong is increasingly economically dependent on the People's Republic of China (PRC), politically deferent to the central government on the scope and pace of democratic reforms, socially more patriotic toward the motherland and more prone to media self-censorship, and judicially more vulnerable to the interpretation of the Basic Law by the National People's Congress. This book aims to achieve a breakthrough in relating the development of Hong Kong politics to the future of mainland China and Taiwan. By broadening the focus of the "one country, two systems" from governance to the process of Sino-British negotiations and their thrust-building efforts, this book argues that the diplomats from mainland China and Taiwan can learn from the ways in which Hong Kong's political future was settled in 1982–1984. This is a book for students, researchers, scholars, diplomats and lay people.

This book describes and analyses the role of the public sector in the often-charged political atmosphere of post-1997 Hong Kong. In this second edition, Ian Scott explores public sector accountability in terms of Hong Kong’s constitutional framework and the structure, functions, and personnel policies of its civil service system. He examines critical issues facing the administration of the public sector and the formulation and implementation of public policy with particular attention to the political challenges confronting the Hong Kong government over the past decade. A concluding chapter assesses how contested values in a changing political environment have affected the public sector in recent years. This edition has been fully updated to incorporate the latest statistics and research, including Scott’s work in such areas as integrity management, corruption prevention, and policing. This book is an essential resource for scholars and students of public administration and public policy in Hong Kong and more broadly for those who are interested in how a particular jurisdiction deals with common administrative problems such as centralisation, the role of statutory bodies, corruption prevention, and the redress of citizens’ grievances. ‘Professor Ian Scott’s book, The Public Sector in Hong Kong, now in a second much-expanded and up-to-date edition, offers a thorough and rigorous analysis of contemporary governance in Hong Kong, focusing on all the key stakeholders. The book is essential reading for government officials, politicians, journalists, academics, students, and the general public.’ —John P. Burns, The University of Hong Kong ‘The second edition not only updates the development in the public sector of Hong Kong, but also provides an important perspective to help readers understand the contexts that navigate its latest developments. This edition, along with Ian Scott’s earlier work, will be judged by many in the field to be among the best books on Hong Kong politics.’ —Hon S. Chan, City University of Hong Kong

In The New Politics of Beijing–Hong Kong Relations, Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo looks at the diverging changes to the ideologies from both Beijing and Hong Kong, and the ideological conflicts as taken in the form of factional political struggles between 2012 and the present. This book examines the paternalistic authoritarianism that can be seen in Beijing’s policy toward Hong Kong since the promulgation of the national security law in late June 2020. Lo analyzes the ideological shift from liberal nationalism to conservative nationalism in mainland China, which has taken place since late 2012. The increasingly radical localism in Hong Kong after 2014 transformed Beijing–Hong Kong relations into a conflict-ridden situation characterized by factional struggles. While the imposition of the national security law into Hong Kong since late June 2020 has stabilized the city politically, Beijing’s policy toward Hong Kong is now guided by the principles of protecting its national security and maintaining economic pragmatism, with implications for Beijing’s relations with Taipei in the coming years. “Professor Lo’s detailed and granular account of the clash between rising conservative nationalism in China and growing localist sentiment in Hong Kong offers an indispensable guide to the events and forces that culminate in the imposition of the national security law in 2020. This is an important contribution by a leading scholar and deserves a wide readership.” —Victor Falkenheim, University of Toronto “Detailed, intricate, and informed, an original and forceful analysis of the ideologies and factional politics that have shaped the recent interactions of Beijing and Hong Kong in the lead up to the 2020 national security law and beyond.” —Paul Evans, University of British Columbia “Professor Lo strikes an excellently researched, balanced but critical perspective, sharing blame for the transformation of ‘one country, two systems,’ on a naïve, radical, localist populism in the HKSAR, whose actions fed the fears of the Chinese government about threats to China’s sovereignty over Hong Kong. The resulting national security law replaced Hong Kong’s pluralist system with a paternalistic one.” —David Zweig, The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology

The introduction of elections to district advisory bodies during the early 1980s was expected to improve the public delivery of services. However, as time passed, electoral politics led to party politics, elite fragmentation and political struggles. Politicization and hyper-politicization in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has brought about a fluctuating pattern between administrative recentralization, the Tsang administration’s attempts at decentralization, and the post-2019 administrative recentralization. The purpose of this book is to study the intertwining relationship between district administration and electoral politics. It also examines the political transformation of District Councils after the promulgation of the National Security Law in late June 2020. Written by experts in the field, this book is a good reference source for readers interested in district elections, politics, and administration in Hong Kong.

In the West, innovations in new public management (NPM) have been regarded as part of the neoliberal project, whilst in China, these reforms have emerged from a very different economic and social landscape. Despite these differences however, similar measures to those introduced in the West have been adopted by the Chinese state, which has largely abandoned the planned economy and adopted market mechanisms in the pursuit of improved economic efficiency and growth. Evaluating the results of these reforms in both China and the West between 1978 and 2011, this book shows that despite substantial improvements in economic efficiency in both cases under consideration, there have been considerable negative impacts on the distribution of wealth, access to public services, levels of poverty, public health, and the incidence of crime. Further, this book explores the different results of NPM in China and the West and the conclusions Paolo Urio draws have timely significance, as he suggests that China has been able to change its policies more rapidly and thus more effectively respond to the challenges posed by the current economic crisis. Drawing on both Western and Chinese sources, this innovative book compares the consequences of their public management reforms, taking into account the impact on both the economy and society. As such, this book will be of great interest to students and scholars working in the fields of Chinese studies, Asian studies, business, economics, strategic public management and comparative studies in capitalism and socialism.

A key question for China is whether it can progress from being a traditional centre of manufacturing to becoming a centre for innovation. Identifying the current strengths and weaknesses of the industry this book defines the challenges for China in its transition from "Made in China" to "Innovated in China".

The Sinophone framework emphasises the diversity of Chinese-speaking communities and cultures, and seeks to move beyond a binary model of China and the West. Indeed, this strikingly resembles attempts within the queer studies movement to challenge the dimorphisms of sex and gender. Bringing together two areas of study that tend to be marginalised within their home disciplines Queer Sinophone Cultures innovatively advances both Sinophone studies and queer studies. It not only examines film and literature from Mainland China but expands its scope to encompass the underrepresented ‘Sinophone’ world at large (in this case Taiwan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore, and beyond). Further, where queer studies in the U.S., Europe, and Australia often ignore non-Western cultural phenomena, this book focuses squarely on Sinophone queerness, providing fresh critical analyses of a range of topics from works by the famous director Tsai Ming-Liang to the history of same-sex soft-core pornography made by the renowned Shaw Brothers Studios. By instigating a dialogue between Sinophone studies and queer studies, this book will have broad appeal to students and scholars of modern and contemporary China studies, particularly to those interested in film, literature, media, and performance. It will also be of great interest to those interested in queer studies more broadly.

After millions of migrants moved from China’s countryside into its sprawling cities a unique kind of ‘informal’ urban enclave was born – ‘villages in the city’. Like the shanties and favelas before them elsewhere, there has been huge pressure to redevelop these blemishes to the urban face of China’s economic vision. Unlike most developing countries, however, these are not squatter settlements but owner-occupied settlements developed semi-formally by ex-farmers turned small-developers and landlords who rent shockingly high-density rooms to rural migrants, who can outnumber their landlord villagers. A strong state, matched with well-organised landlords collectively represented through joint-stock companies, has meant that it has been relatively easy to grow the city through demolition of these soft migrant enclaves. The lives of the displaced migrants then enter a transient phase from an informal to a formal urbanity. This book looks at migrants and their enclave ‘villages in the city’ and reveals the characteristics and changes in migrants’ livelihoods and living places. Using an interdisciplinary approach, the book analyses how living in the city transforms and changes rural migrant households, and explores the social lives and micro economies of migrant neighbourhoods. It goes on to discuss changing housing and social conditions and spatial changes in the urban villages of major Chinese cities, as well as looking into transient urbanism and examining the consequences of redevelopment and upgrading of the ‘villages in the city’; in particular, the planning, regeneration, politics of development, and socio-economic implications of these immense social, economic and physical upheavals.