This volume seeks to analyse the evolution of Muslim nationalism from 1877 to 1937. This exercise has resulted in highlighting certain trends which have been so far either ignored or underplayed, at any rate in India. It, for instance, shows that two nation theory was an old as the movement for Muslim awakening and solidarity and almost all its leaders firmly believed in it. Similarly the idea of Pakistan, instead of being born in 1933 with Rehmat Ali's forceful espousal of it, is shown to be steadily circulating, particularly in the Punjab, since mid- 1920s. Again, contrary to what has been generally imagined so far, Jinnah as well as Iqbal had become converts to that idea, as early as June 1937, before even the beginning of any serious talk for the installation of a so-called coalition government in U.P., and not after its failure. On the other hand, the volume also reveals the strength of the growing sentiment of Hindu nationalism in 1920s, particularly in the Punjab and Bengal. The situation created by the juxtaposition of the two nationalisms is underlined by Lala Lajpat Rai's declaration in 1924 that in view of the general Muslim attitude a divided India might provide the only solution to the communal problem. Equally significant was Gandhi's repeated assertion in 1924-5 that he saw no solution of that problem except through prayer.

This is a biography of Mohammad Ali Jinnah and the story of the creation of Pakistan. At a time of much interest and concern about Pakistan in the international community, this volume provides a historical context which helps in an understanding of the present. It traces the development of the Muslim identity on the Indian subcontinent and follows Jinnah as he rode the wave of Muslim communalism to ultimate success in the demand for the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan at independence from British rule. Jinnah’s successful espousal of the demand for Pakistan was a remarkable feat. In achieving this success, Jinnah traversed a long distance from the beliefs with which he entered public life. He started out a nationalist, as a protégé of senior Congress leaders like Dadabhai Naoroji. However, the introduction of separate electorates for Muslims after the Minto–Morley reforms in 1909 led him to change his position in order to appeal to his changed constituency. Even so, it was not until 1937 that he unabashedly played the religious card. He now began to see the Congress and the Hindus as his adversaries rather than the British. Through these twists and turns of posture, the one constant factor was his underlying ambition to remain in a position of leadership and eminence. This volume traces the zigzag course of Jinnah’s political life and the establishment of Pakistan within the broader framework of the Indian freedom struggle. Indeed the main players in this struggle with three protagonists were the Indian National Congress and the British rulers. This work demonstrates how this bigger struggle opened the door for Muslim separatism led by Jinnah. It was through this opening, aided by British moves to use the Muslim League as a foil to the Congress, that Jinnah very astutely led his party to success in its demand for the creation of Pakistan.

This book is a critical comparative study of Jotirao Phule and Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, modern India's two most prominent dalit leaders. Although they were not close contemporaries, they came to construct a firm structure of not only dalit ideology, but also dalit methodology to emancipate the oppressed and depressed sections of society. The book deals with their ideas in a new light highlighting aspects of convergence and contrast in their respective approach to philosophy, religion, society, and culture. It argues that deep down in his philosophic orientation, Phule was quintessentially closer to Gandhi than to Ambedkar. The author also contends that the usage of the term dalit exclusively in the caste-communitarian sense is essentially a product of post-independence political appropriation rather than social evolution. The book specifically brings to light the dynamics of humanism and nationalism on the one hand and that of communitarianism on the other in the context of twentieth-century colonial India. Notably, Gandhi is brought in the narrative to complete the triumvirate. Comprehensive and deeply grounded in primary research, this thought-provoking book will be indispensable for students and researchers of modern Indian history, sociology, political science, political thought, exclusion studies, dalit and subaltern studies, and South Asian studies. It will also appeal to those interested in the writings of Ambedkar and Phule.

The fragmentation of Bengal and Assam in 1947 was a crucial moment in India's socio-political history as a nation state. Both the British Indian provinces were divided as much through the actions of the Muslim League as by those of Congress and the British colonial power. Attributing partition largely to Hindu communalists is, therefore, historically inaccurate and factually misleading. The Partition of Bengal and Assam provides a review of constitutional and party politics as well as of popular attitudes and perceptions. The primary aim of this book is to unravel the intricate socio-economic and political processes that led up to partition, as Hindus and Muslims competed ferociously for the new power and privileges to be conferred on them with independence. As shown in the book, well before they divorced at a political level, Hindus and Muslims had been cleaved apart by their socio-economic differences. Partition was probably inevitable.

On Islamic nationalism in India.

This title offers an examination of the circumstances surrounding India's independence from Britain and the partition of the subcontinent.

Confluence of Thought is the first book to demonstrate the way in which Gandhi and King's socio-political ideas converge in terms of their origins, development and application.

This book presents a comprehensive portrait of how Indians conceived of the idea of India. It highlights the diverse traditions and intellectual threads that contributed to the making of vibrant democracy. The book: • Examines the different ideas of India through 14 eminent Indian thinkers: Mahatma Gandhi, Rabindranath Tagore, Dayanand Saraswati, VD Savarkar, Savitribai Phule, Pandita Ramabai, Maulana Azad, Jawaharlal Nehru, BR Ambedkar, Subhash Chandra Bose, Aurobindo Ghosh, Sarala Devi Chaudhurani and MA Jinnah; • Highlights how ancient and modern intellectual discourses coalesced with the aspirations of ordinary Indians under the yoke of colonialism; • Challenges colonial constructs and linear approaches to studying India. Accessibly written, this book is essential reading for students and researchers of Indian political thought, modern history, political science, and South Asian studies.

During his campaign against racism in South Africa, and his involvement in the Congress-led nationalist struggle against British colonial rule in India, Mahatma Gandhi developed a new form of political struggle based on the idea of satyagraha, or non-violent protest. He ushered in a new era of nationalism in India by articulating the nationalist protest in the language of non-violence, or ahisma, that galvanized the masses into action. Focusing on the principles of satyagraha and non-violence, and their evolution in the context of anti-imperial movements organized by Gandhi, this fascinating book looks at how these precepts underwent changes reflecting the ideological beliefs of the participants. Assessing Gandhi and his ideology, the text centres on the ways in which Gandhi took into account the views of other leading personalities of the era whilst articulating his theory of action. Concentrating on Gandhi’s writings in Harijan, the weekly newspaper he founded, this volume provides a unique contextualized study of an iconic man’s social and political ideas.

Humanizing Humanity is distinctively framed advocacy of the ways in which the concept of humanity has been defended by various ideologues of India like Tagore, Gandhi, and Ambedkar. By grounding itself in the epistemology of intellectual history, the book delineates how these three major thinkers visualised the ways in which society can be better humanized. Such a process of humanization for these thinkers forms the bedrock of the trajectory in which humanity may be preserved, amidst intense authoritarianism and the violent quest for power by a small minority in the society. The book is an attempt at exploring the strands of inter-textuality that exist when Tagore, Gandhi and Ambedkar's thinking is situated in the ontic and epistemic context of a few humans' tendency to destroy humanity and the efforts of another section to create conditions for its preservation. Bidyut Chakrabarty does this by comparing the ways in which the Federalist Papers of the United States of America and the Indian Constitution manifest as quintessential texts that uphold the principles of liberty, equality, justice, and the protection of the weaker sections of society from structured strands of domination and exploitation.