This book provides the first in-depth account of how European Union opt-outs and differentiated integration work in practice.

European integration continues to deepen despite major crises and attempts to take back sovereignty. A growing number of member states are reacting to a more constraining EU by negotiating opt-outs. This book provides the first in-depth account of how opt-outs work in practice. It examines the most controversial cases of differentiated integration: the British and Danish opt-outs from Economic and Monetary Union and European policies on borders, asylum, migration, internal security and justice. Drawing on over one hundred interviews with national representatives and EU officials, the author demonstrates how representatives manage the stigma of opting out, allowing them to influence even politically sensitive areas covered by their opt-outs. Developing a practice approach to European integration, the book shows how everyday negotiations transform national interests into European ideals. It is usually assumed that states opt out to preserve sovereignty, but Adler-Nissen argues that national opt-outs may actually reinforce the integration process.

A key textbook for undergraduate and postgraduate students of contemporary European politics, European Union: Power and policy-making 4th edition offers a comprehensive and accessible analysis of the European Union policy process. Intended to advance understanding of the EU as a now mature and ongoing policy system, this book addresses the central issues relating to the distribution of power and influence in the European Union including: Theoretical perspectives The roles of key institutions in the processing of policy problems Different channels of representation The EU as a policy-making state Written by a distinguished group of international scholars, this new edition will also appeal to the worldwide community of researchers on the EU. New to this edition: New chapters on The Politics of Multispeed Europe, The Distribution of Power Among Institutions, EU Agencies, Covert Integration in the European Union, and Political Representation and Democracy in the EU. New authors and theoretical approaches on many topics such as differentiated integration, opt-outs and multi-speed integration, negotiation and coalition building, the interplay of judicial and legislative policy-making, power distribution, agency behaviour, integration by subterfuge, the democratic deficit fully updated data and content throughout Jeremy Richardson is joined by a co-editor, Professor Sonia Mazey, for the fourth expanded edition of this highly regarded textbook on the EU. Jeremy Richardson is an Emeritus Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford, UK, and Adjunct Professor at the National Centre for Research on Europe, University of Canterbury, New Zealand. He is also Founder and Co-editor of the Journal of European Public Policy Sonia Mazey is a Professor and Pro-Vice-Chancellor of the College of Business and Law, University of Canterbury, New Zealand and formally a Fellow of Keble College, Oxford, UK

This book offers the first comprehensive legal study dedicated to the understanding of the Danish EU opt-outs. The impact of these is significant, falling as they do within Union citizenship, the euro, defense cooperation and the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. Through a re-examination of the opt-outs individually, collectively and temporally, the book sheds light on their legal design and their interplay between international law, EU law and national law. This pioneering book takes a legal-doctrinal approach, which provides readers with a solid understanding of the opt-outs. Academics, judges and European Union civil servants will find this invaluable.

Evidence taken before Sub-committee G (Social Policy and Consumer Affairs).

The Routledge Handbook of Differentiation in the European Union offers an essential collection of groundbreaking chapters reflecting on the causes and consequences of this complex phenomenon. With contributions from key experts in this subfield of European Studies, it will become a key volume used for those interested in learning the nuts and bolts of differentiation as a mechanism of (dis)integration in the European Union, especially in the light of Brexit. Organised around five key themes, it offers an authoritative "encyclopaedia" of differentiation and addresses questions such as: How can one define differentiation in the European Union in the light of the most recent events? Does differentiation create more challenges or opportunities for the European Union? Is Europe moving away from an "ever closer Union" and heading towards an "ever more differentiated Union", especially as leading political figures across Europe favour the use of differentiation to reconcile divergences between member states? This handbook is essential reading and an authoritative reference for scholars, students, researchers and practitioners involved in, and actively concerned about, research in the study of European integration. As European differentiation is multifaceted and involves a wide range of actors and policies, it will be of further interest to those working on countries and/or in policy areas where differentiation is an increasingly relevant feature. The Introduction and chapters 13, 21, 30, and 35 of this book is available for free in PDF format as Open Access from the individual product page at www.routledge.com. It has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

Since the 1957 Rome Treaty, the European Union has changed dramatically - in terms of its composition, scope and depth. Originally established by six Western European States, the EU today has 28 Members and covers almost the entire European continent; and while initially confined to establishing a "common market", the EU has come to influence all areas of political, economic and social life. In parallel with this enormous geographic and thematic expansion, the constitutional and legislative principles underpinning the European Union have constantly evolved. This three-volume study aims to provide an authoritative academic treatment of European Union law. Written by leading scholars and practitioners, each chapter offers a comprehensive and critical assessment of the state of the law. Doctrinal in presentation, each volume nonetheless tries to present a broader historical and comparative perspective. Volume I provides an analysis of the constitutional principles governing the European Union. It covers the history of the EU, the constitutional foundations, the institutional framework, legislative and executive governance, judicial protection, and external relations. Volume II explores the structure of the internal market, while Volume III finally analyses the internal and external substantive policies of the EU.

"Have opt-outs in the European Union been successful? It's easy to imagine the decisions one would make if they only had perfect information or the foresight to see where decisions would lead. However, in this world, only hindsight is 20/20 and therefore both people and states must make decisions based on the available information provided. The weight of rational decision making is especially important in the European Union where states have decided to opt-out of policies to avoid the costs the policy might bring, to maintain sole control over a policy area, or to prevent further integration. Current literature on these opt-outs, also known as differentiated integration, has explored its causes and consequences on a grand scale, but has not reached down to the level of the individual state. When the state itself is examined, the outcomes of differentiated integration differ greatly and depend on several factors including the amount of control the state in question has over the independent variables of the policy, the nature of the policy, and the reason the state decided to opt out. In terms of the United Kingdom, the opt-out from Schengen returned less than desirable results with Schengen itself serving as a catalyst to the UK's migration policy. However, both Denmark and Poland experienced successful opt-outs as they could control conditions to ensure a positive result with Denmark performing better than the European Union in several economic indicators and Poland's Law and Justice party coming into power, having used the opt out from the Charter of Fundamental Rights to appeal to Christian voters. Although there is no strict formula that can determine whether an opt-out will be successful, this study does find similarities between the success stories that could possibly be expanded upon with more research"--Leaf v.

The EAW provides for the surrender from one EU Member State to another of those accused or convicted of crimes. It replaced existing extradition proceedings between Member States and was designed to speed up and simplify the transfer of suspected criminals and fugitives. Under the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty, the UK had the option to opt out of all of the pre-Lisbon Treaty EU justice and home affairs legislation. In October 2012, the Government confirmed that it would make use of this provision to opt out of approximately 130 measures and that it would seek to opt back into 35, including the EAW. On 1 December 2014 the UK's opt-out will come into effect (though negotiations are underway to extend that deadline on a transitional basis to 7 December). If the UK has not opted back in by this date, it will no longer be part of the EAW scheme. The issue of the UK's opt-in, and the EAW in particular, has become an increasingly political topic and entwined with arguments about the EU more generally. The evidence session covered a number of issues relating to the EAW. It juxtaposed the two political arguments on this controversial issue by hearing from Baroness Ludford, in favour of opting in and working to improve the legislation and Jacob Rees-Mogg MP, who opposes the opt-in, calling for an alternative system that is not coming under the competence of the European Union and it remains a matter of UK law.

Immediately after the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in France and in the Netherlands, I was tempted not to comply with a contract according to which I was expected to write on the Eu- pean Constitution within a very close deadline. “What is the sense of it now?” I tried to argue. “I cannot be obliged by a contract wi- out an object”. I was wrong at that time and we would be equally wrong now, should we read the Irish vote on the Lisbon Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty itself as the dead end for European constitutionalism. Let us never forget that the text rejected in May 2005 was not the founding act of such constitutionalism. To the contrary, it was nothing more than a remarkable passage in a long history of constitutional dev- opments that have been occurring since the early years of the Eu- pean Community. All of us know that the Court of Justice spoke of a European constitutional order already in 1964, when the primacy of Community law was asserted in the areas conferred from the States to the European jurisdiction. We also know that in the pre- ous year the Court had read in the Treaty the justiciable right of any European citizen to challenge her own national State for omitted or distorted compliance with European rules.