The Clinton administration's controversial decision to grant Sinn F�in leader Gerry Adams a visa to enter the U.S. and Adams's subsequent fundraising activities here have received wide media coverage. That the U.S. is playing a part in events concerning Northern Ireland should surprise no one. Americans of Irish descent have long used their economic and political power to influence events in Northern Ireland; this influence continues today as the two sides negotiate peace. Here Andrew J. Wilson tells the complex, fascinating story of Irish America's longtime role in the Ulster crisis. He sets the stage with a summary of Irish-American involvement in Irish politics from 1800 to 1968, and then focuses on the growth and development of both militant and constitutional nationalist groups in the U.S. and their impact on events in Northern Ireland and on British policies there. His gripping narrative is based on interviews with leading activists on both sides of the Atlantic and extensive research through government records, materials in private collections, newspapers, and letters. Wilson gives a comprehensive account of how militant Irish- American groups have supported the IRA through gunrunning, financial disbursements, and aid to members on the run. He analyzes tactics used by the various groups to win publicity and public sympathy for their cause and documents techniques employed by the FBI to break the gunrunning networks. In his examination of Irish-American support for constitutional nationalism, Wilson focuses on the influence of the Friends of Ireland group in Congress and its attempts to shape British policy in Ulster. He shows how the lobbying of prominent Irish-American politicians Edward M. Kennedy, Daniel P. Moynihan, Thomas P. O'Neill, and Hugh Carey influenced U.S. government policies and provided the Dublin government with leverage to use in diplomatic relations with the British. Wilson sheds light on the role played by the U.S. government, probes the activities of reconciliation and investment groups, and considers how Northern Ireland has been presented in the American media. This comprehensive study of Irish America's impact on the Troubles in Northern Ireland will be of immediate interest not only to Americans of Irish descent but to all with an interest in modern history and U.S.-British relations. Andrew J. Wilson was born in Dungannon, Northern Ireland, of mixed Protestant and Catholic ancestry. He studied at Manchester Polytechnic and Queen's University Belfast, and later earned his Ph.D. in European history from Loyola University of Chicago, where he now teaches. His writings have appeared in a number of journals, including Eire- Ireland, The Recorder, and The Irish Review. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ By far the best study of Irish America and the Northern Ireland problem.--Lawrence J. McCaffrey, Professor of History (Emeritus), Loyola University of Chicago

The belief that there is no solution to the conflict in Northern Ireland has come to dominate academic and journalistic commentary. The first objective of these essays is to show that this belief is mistaken and that it is only the multiplicity of possible solutions that has confused the issue.

Fifteen minutes before five o'clock on Good Friday, 1998, Senator George Mitchell was informed that his long and difficult quest for an Irish peace accord had succeeded--the Protestants and Catholics of Northern Ireland, and the governments of the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom, would sign the agreement. Now Mitchell, who served as independent chairman of the peace talks for the length of the process, tells us the inside story of the grueling road to this momentous accord. For more than two years, Mitchell, who was Senate majority leader under Presidents Bush and Clinton, labored to bring together parties whose mutual hostility--after decades of violence and mistrust--seemed insurmountable: Sinn Fein, represented by Gerry Adams; the Catholic moderates, led by John Hume; the majority Protestant party, headed by David Trimble; Ian Paisley's hard-line unionists; and, not least, the governments of the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom, headed by Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair. The world watched as the tense and dramatic process unfolded, sometimes teetering on the brink of failure. Here, for the first time, we are given a behind-the-scenes view of the principal players--the personalities who shaped the process--and of the contentious, at times vitriolic, proceedings. We learn how, as the deadline approached, extremist violence and factional intransigence almost drove the talks to collapse. And we witness the intensity of the final negotiating session, the interventions of Ahern and Blair, the late-night phone calls from President Clinton, a last-ditch attempt at disruption by Paisley, and ultimately an agreement that, despite subsequent inflammatory acts aimed at destroying it, has set Northern Ireland's future on track toward a more lasting peace.

In Northern Ireland, The United States and the Second World War, Simon Topping analyses the American military presence in Northern Ireland during the war, examining the role of the government at Stormont in managing this 'friendly invasion', the diplomatic and military rationales for the deployment, the attitude of Americans to their posting, and the effect of the US presence on local sectarian dynamics. He explores US military planning, the hospitality and entertainment provided for American troops, the renewal and reimagining of historic links between Ulster and the United States, the importation of 'Jim Crow' racism, 'Johnny Doughboys' marrying 'Irish Roses', and how all of this impacted upon internal, transatlantic and cross-border politics. This study also draws attention to influential and understudied individuals such as Northern Ireland's Prime Minister Sir Basil Brooke and offers a reassessment of David Gray, America's minister to Dublin. As a result, it provides a comprehensive examination of largely overlooked aspects of the war and Northern Ireland more generally, and fills important gaps in the history of both. Northern Ireland, The United States and the Second World War is essential for students and scholars interested in the history of Northern Ireland, American-Irish relations, the Second World War on the UK home-front, and wartime transatlantic diplomacy.

The historian A. T. Q. Stewart once remarked that in Ireland all history is applied history—that is, the study of the past prosecutes political conflict by other means. Indeed, nearly twenty years after the 1998 Belfast Agreement, "dealing with the past" remains near the top of the political agenda in Northern Ireland. The essays in this volume, by leading experts in the fields of Irish and British history, politics, and international studies, explore the ways in which competing "social" or "collective memories" of the Northern Ireland "Troubles" continue to shape the post-conflict political landscape. The contributors to this volume embrace a diversity of perspectives: the Provisional Republican version of events, as well as that of its Official Republican rival; Loyalist understandings of the recent past as well as the British Army's authorized for-the-record account; the importance of commemoration and memorialization to Irish Republican culture; and the individual memory of one of the noncombatants swept up in the conflict. Tightly specific, sharply focused, and rich in local detail, these essays make a significant contribution to the burgeoning literature of history and memory. The book will interest students and scholars of Irish studies, contemporary British history, memory studies, conflict resolution, and political science. Contributors: Jim Smyth, Ian McBride, Ruan O’Donnell, Aaron Edwards, James W. McAuley, Margaret O’Callaghan, John Mulqueen, and Cathal Goan.

British troops, which arrived as a temporary measure, would remain in Ireland for the next 38 years. Successive British governments initially claimed the Northern Ireland conflict to be an internal matter but the Republic of Ireland had repeatedly demanded a role, appealing to the UN and US, while across the Atlantic, Irish-American groups applied pressure on Nixon's largely apathetic administration to intervene. Following the introduction of internment and the events of Bloody Sunday, the British were forced to recognise the international dimension of the conflict and begrudgingly began to concede that any solution would rely on Washington and Dublin's involvement. Irish governments seized every opportunity to shape the political initiative that led to Sunningdale and Senator Edward Kennedy became the leading US advocate of American intervention while Nixon, who wanted Britain onside for his Cold War objectives, was faced with increasingly influential domestic pressure groups. Eventually, international involvement in Northern Ireland would play a vital role in shaping the principles on which political agreement was reached - even after the breakdown of the Sunningdale Agreement in May 1974. Using recently released archives in the United Kingdom, Republic of Ireland and United States, Alan MacLeod offers a new interpretation of the early period of Northern Ireland's 'Troubles'.

From the Plantation of Ulster in the seventeenth century to the entry into peace talks in the late twentieth century the Northern Irish people have been engaged in conflict - Catholic against Protestant, Republican against Unionist. The traumas of violence in the Northern Ireland Troubles have cast a long shadow. For many years, this appeared to be an intractable conflict with no pathway out. Mass mobilisations of people and dramatic political crises punctuated a seemingly endless succession of bloodshed. When in the 1990s and early 21st century, peace was painfully built, it brought together unlikely rivals, making Northern Ireland a model for conflict resolution internationally. But disagreement about the future of the province remains, and for the first time in decades one can now seriously speak of a democratic end to the Union between Northern Ireland and Great Britain as a foreseeable possibility. The Northern Ireland problem remains a fundamental issue as the United Kingdom recasts its relationship with Europe and the world. In this completely revised edition of his Very Short Introduction Marc Mulholland explores the pivotal moments in Northern Irish history - the rise of republicanism in the 1800s, Home Rule and the civil rights movement, the growth of Sinn Fein and the provisional IRA, and the DUP, before bringing the story up to date, drawing on newly available memoirs by paramilitary militants to offer previously unexplored perspectives, as well as recent work on Nothern Irish gender relations. Mulholland also includes a new chapter on the state of affairs in 21st Century Northern Ireland, considering the question of Irish unity in the light of both Brexit and the approaching anniversary of the 1921 partition, and drawing new lessons for the future. ABOUT THE SERIES: The Very Short Introductions series from Oxford University Press contains hundreds of titles in almost every subject area. These pocket-sized books are the perfect way to get ahead in a new subject quickly. Our expert authors combine facts, analysis, perspective, new ideas, and enthusiasm to make interesting and challenging topics highly readable.

Lee Smithey examines how symbolic cultural expressions in Northern Ireland, such as parades, bonfires, murals, and commemorations, provide opportunities for Protestant unionists and loyalists to reconstruct their collective identities and participate in conflict transformation.