New perspectives are presented on an essential issue in CCP historiography: Why when things were working reasonably well by 1956 did the Chinese Communist Party alienate its supporters with radical policies? Placing CCP history firmly in the realm of social history and comparative politics, these enlightening critiques study the roots of the policy failures of the late Maoist period and the remarkable tenacity of the CCP. New insights, surfacing from case studies from the 1990s and recently available documents, address the following: Why is state socialism in China neither the wonder that some hope for nor a total failure? Why has the CCP remained China's only party, while the CPSU in the former Soviet Union -- and particularly the Eastern European socialist regimes that were the same age as China's -- collapsed so quickly? Are there any clues to the CCP's current longevity and radical reforms under party leadership to be found in the formative period of this one-party state?

Placing Chinese Community Party history in the realm of social history and comparative politics, this text studies the roots of the policy failures of the late Maoist period and the tenacity of the CCP.

Probing the relationship between socialism and governance, the author offers a new perspective for understanding Chinese politics since 1949. China's politics can be roughly divided into two periods - the Maoist period (1949-1978) and the Dengist Period (since 1978) - characterized as Revolutionary China and Reformatory China. These two periods are better understood when they are compared with each other. For, to study an epoch, we need a logic that transcends that epoch. A comparative approach is very helpful in uncovering the deeper meaning of Chinese revolution and Chinese reforms. Using the key concept 'two worlds of life' (Experiencing World and Meaning World), the author argues that there is a sharp discrepancy between the two worlds of life in all the self-claimed 'socialist' countries. Although the Meaning World is 'socialist', the Experiencing World cannot be adequately understood as being socialist. 'socialism' has become an ideational veil which masks the true nature of the Experiencing World. After the 'socialist' revolution, the chain of the concept of 'socialism' awaits the proletariat. Only through Entborgenheit can we understand the true nature of the Experiencing World of all 'socialist' states. It is argued that the concept 'real socialism' is still misleading, for such a 'socialism' is still unreal; that the concept 'state socialism' is no more than a confusing concept and needs also to be rejected, for there is not such a thing as state socialism in our experiencing world. We had neither 'real socialism' nor 'state socialism', we had only statism in our experiencing world. The Maoist Chiina was a schizophrenic case of 'socialism', due to the inherent conflict between statism in the Experiencing World and 'socialism' in the Meaning World. All the Communist states created a Janus-faced creature, with one face being statism and the other face being 'socialism'. This is caused by the pathology of treating statization of means of production as socialization of means of production. Dengist China initiated a de-statization process, but this process is not socialization either.

A rare window for the English speaking world to learn how scholars in China understand and interpret central issues pertaining to women and family from the founding of the People’s Republic to the reform era.

Since the Cultural Revolution, data have been uncovered to illuminate that tumultuous decade. In this volume 13 scholars examine the gap between the ideology of the Revolution and the harsh and contradictory reality of its outcome. They focus particularly on the violence, coercion, and constant tension between the need for centralization to enforce policies and the need for decentralizing decision-making if those goals were to be achieved.

The Maoist state’s dominance over Chinese society, achieved through such watersheds as the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, is well known. Maoism at the Grassroots reexamines this period of transformation and upheaval from a new perspective, one that challenges the standard state-centered view. Bringing together scholars from China, Europe, North America, and Taiwan, this volume marshals new research to reveal a stunning diversity of individual viewpoints and local experiences during China’s years of high socialism. Focusing on the period from the mid-1950s to 1980, the authors provide insights into the everyday lives of citizens across social strata, ethnicities, and regions. They explore how ordinary men and women risked persecution and imprisonment in order to assert personal beliefs and identities. Many displayed a shrewd knack for negotiating the maze-like power structures of everyday Maoism, appropriating regime ideology in their daily lives while finding ways to express discontent and challenge the state’s pervasive control. Heterogeneity, limited pluralism, and tensions between official and popular culture were persistent features of Maoism at the grassroots. Men had gay relationships in factory dormitories, teenagers penned searing complaints in diaries, mentally ill individuals cursed Mao, farmers formed secret societies and worshipped forbidden spirits. These diverse undercurrents were as representative of ordinary people’s lives as the ideals promulgated in state propaganda.

Probing the relationship between socialism and governance, the author offers a new perspective for understanding Chinese politics since 1949. China's politics can be roughly divided into two periods - the Maoist period (1949-1978) and the Dengist Period (since 1978) - characterized as Revolutionary China and Reformatory China. These two periods are better understood when they are compared with each other. For, to study an epoch, we need a logic that transcends that epoch. A comparative approach is very helpful in uncovering the deeper meaning of Chinese revolution and Chinese reforms. Using the key concept 'two worlds of life' (Experiencing World and Meaning World), the author argues that there is a sharp discrepancy between the two worlds of life in all the self-claimed 'socialist' countries. Although the Meaning World is 'socialist', the Experiencing World cannot be adequately understood as being socialist. 'Socialism' has become an ideational veil which masks the true nature of the Experiencing World. After the 'socialist' revolution, the chain of the concept of 'socialism' awaits the proletariat. Only through Entborgenheit can we understand the true nature of the Experiencing World of all 'socialist' states. It is argued that the concept 'real socialism' is still misleading, for such a 'socialism' is still unreal; that the concept 'state socialism' is no more than a confusing concept and needs also to be rejected, for there is not such a thing as state socialism in our experiencing world. We had neither 'real socialism' nor 'state socialism', we had only statism in our experiencing world. The Maoist Chiina was a schizophrenic case of 'socialism', due to the inherent conflict between statism in the Experiencing World and 'socialism' in the Meaning World. All the Communist states created a Janus-faced creature, with one face being statism and the other face being 'socialism'. This is caused by the pathology of treating statization of means of production as socialization of means of production. Dengist China initiated a de-statization process, but this process is not socialization either.

How China Became Capitalist details the extraordinary, and often unanticipated, journey that China has taken over the past thirty five years in transforming itself from a closed agrarian socialist economy to an indomitable economic force in the international arena. The authors revitalise the debate around the rise of the Chinese economy through the use of primary sources, persuasively arguing that the reforms implemented by the Chinese leaders did not represent a concerted attempt to create a capitalist economy, and that it was 'marginal revolutions' that introduced the market and entrepreneurship back to China. Lessons from the West were guided by the traditional Chinese principle of 'seeking truth from facts'. By turning to capitalism, China re-embraced her own cultural roots. How China Became Capitalist challenges received wisdom about the future of the Chinese economy, warning that while China has enormous potential for further growth, the future is clouded by the government's monopoly of ideas and power. Coase and Wang argue that the development of a market for ideas which has a long and revered tradition in China would be integral in bringing about the Chinese dream of social harmony.

China is huge. China is growing more powerful. Yet China remains a great mystery to most people in the West. This contemporary history, based on the latest scholarly research, offers a balanced perspective of the continuing legacy of Maoism in the lives not only of China's leaders but China's working people. It outlines the ambitious economic reforms taken since the 1980s and shows the complex responses to the consequences of reform in China today. Cheek shows the domestic concerns and social forces that shape the foreign policy of one of the worlds great powers. His analysis will equip the reader to judge media reports independently and to consider the experience and values not only of the Chinese government but China's workers, women, and minorities.

This book covers the whole system of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, dealing with Deng Xiaoping’s theory, the socialist market economy, a moderately well-off (Xiaokang) society, China’s practice and theory of socialist democracy, human rights, and Xi Jinping’s Marxism. In short, the resolute focus is the Reform and Opening-Up. Socialism with Chinese Characteristics is one of the most important global realities today. However, the concept and its practice remain largely misunderstood outside China. This book sets to redress such a lack of knowledge, by making available to non-Chinese speakers the sophisticated debates and conclusions in China concerning socialism with Chinese Characteristics. It presents this material in a way that is both accessible and thorough.