Focusing on the region of the Arab world--comprising some two hundred million people and twenty-one sovereign states extending from the Atlantic to the Persian Gulf--this book develops a theory of social change that demystifies the setbacks this region has experienced on the road to transformation. Professor Sharabi pinpoints economic, political, social, and cultural changes in the last century that led the Arab world, as well as other developing countries, not to modernity but to neopatriarchy--a modernized form of patriarchy. He shows how authentic change was blocked and distorted forms and practices subsequently came to dominate all aspects of social existence and activity--among them militant religious fundamentalism, an ideology symptomatic of neopatriarchal culture. Presenting itself as the only valid option, Muslim fundamentalism now confronts the elements calling for secularism and democracy in a bitter battle whose outcome is likely to determine the future of the Arab world as well as that of other Muslim societies in Africa and Asia.

Among liberal thinkers, there is an optimistic belief that men and women are on a cultural journey toward equality--in the workplace, on the street, and in the home. But observation and evidence both tell us that in many ways this progress has stopped and in some cases, even reversed. In TheEnd of Equality, renowned feminist Beatrix Campbell argues that even as the patriarchy has lost some of its legitimacy, new inequalities are emerging in our culture. We are living, Campbell writes, in an era of neo-patriarchy in which violence has proliferated; body anxiety and self-hatred have flourished; rape is committed with impunity; sex trafficking thrives, and the struggle for equal pay is at an end. After four decades observing society, Campbell still speaks of the long-sought goal of gender equality. But now she calls for a new revolution.

This book is concerned with defining the nature of the crisis of the Arab world, with tracing its possible development, and with charting the conditions of its possible outcomes, addressing the next decade from the vantage of 1986 rather than that of 1985.

Drawing together communiqus, covert interviews and underground histories of introvert struggles (Introfada), here for the first time is a detailed documentation of the political demands of shy people. Radicalized against the imperial domination of globalized PR projectionism, extrovert poise and loudness, the Shy Radicals are a vanguard movement intent on trans-rupting the extrovert-supremacist politics and assertiveness culture of the 21st-century. The movement aims to establish an independent homelandAspergistan, a utopian state for introverted people, run according to Shyria Law and underpinned by Pan-Shyist ideology, protecting the rights of the oppressed quiet and shy people. This anti-systemic manifesto, a quiet and thoughtful polemic, is a satire that uses anti-colonial theory to build a critique of dominant culture and the rising tide of Islamophobia. Shy Radicals author Hamja Ahsan (b. 1981) is an artist, curator and activist based in London. He is the Free Talha Ahsan campaign organizer.

This book discusses the context for and arguments in favor of same-sex marriage in the United States.

Homeschooling, large families, Biblical womanhood, and quiverfull - they are all part of the Christian patriarchy movement, which promises parents a legacy of godly children if they adhere to specific Biblical principles. But what happens when families who abandon "the world" for "the Biblical home" leave hearts behind, too? For many wives and daughters, the Christian home is not always a safe place. Scripture is used to manipulate. God is used as a weapon. And through spiritual and emotional abuse, women who become "the least of these" within Biblical patriarchy experience deep wounds that only God can heal. But if living "God's way" caused this pain, why should they trust Him to heal it? - publisher website.

Highlighting Iraqi women's voices, this is an examination of women, gender and feminisms in Iraq in the wake of the 2003 US-led invasion.

A revealing look at the role kin-based societies have played throughout history and around the world A lively, wide-ranging meditation on human development that offers surprising lessons for the future of modern individualism, The Rule of the Clan examines the constitutional principles and cultural institutions of kin-based societies, from medieval Iceland to modern Pakistan. Mark S. Weiner, an expert in constitutional law and legal history, shows us that true individual freedom depends on the existence of a robust state dedicated to the public interest. In the absence of a healthy state, he explains, humans naturally tend to create legal structures centered not on individuals but rather on extended family groups. The modern liberal state makes individualism possible by keeping this powerful drive in check—and we ignore the continuing threat to liberal values and institutions at our peril. At the same time, for modern individualism to survive, liberals must also acknowledge the profound social and psychological benefits the rule of the clan provides and recognize the loss humanity sustains in its transition to modernity. Masterfully argued and filled with rich historical detail, Weiner's investigation speaks both to modern liberal societies and to developing nations riven by "clannism," including Muslim societies in the wake of the Arab Spring.

This book shows how religions and their internal struggles shape key actors and processes in the international political economy. It highlights how fundamentalist, business-oriented Christians in the United States were instrumental in the neoliberal turn in US hegemony, how Christianity, in the form of prosperity religion, transformed Latin America, and how reactionary religious movements sharpened state competition through illiberal politics in Turkey, India, and elsewhere. But reactionary movements are also confronted by liberationist or more progressive movements, such as Islamic feminism, that seek to build a more inclusive global economy. Religions and their ideas should be seen as a constitutive part of neoliberal globalization and its contestation in IPE.