Contrairement aux adeptes de !'instruction publique que sont les Français, les Anglo-saxons ont une conception de l'enseignement qui inclut à la fois !'instruction et l'éducation, l'objectif étant toujours de former un individu accompli dans la tradition des acquis du Liberal Arts Education . Raison pour laquelle, la religion est demeurée longtemps une discipline à part entière dans le curriculum de l'enseignement dans la partie anglophone du Cameroun. Il faut cependant garder à l'esprit qu'au-delà de ce qui peut apparaitre comme approches discordantes des missionnaires chrétiens en situation coloniale, catholiques, protestants et autres presbytériens semblent avoir été toujours d'accord sur la nature sacrée de leur mission de conversion et de diffusion de la civilisation occidentale en pays de mission. Dommage que les dirigeants camerounais n'aient jamais réussi à s'inspirer de la démarche ci-dessus et à adopter une ligne de conduite un tant soit peu patriotique. Les politiciens postcoloniaux ont constamment fait montre d'un déconcertant opportunisme. Il peut certes leur arriver de solliciter publiquement ou officieusement l'Eglise à travers ses princes locaux pour accompagner les pouvoirs publics dans la résolution des conflits sociopolitiques. Mais par moments, ils n'hésiteront pas à leur rappeler que l'Eglise ne doit pas se mêler de politique. Elle doit se cantonner dans les affaires spirituelles, oubliant l'un des enseignements les plus mémorables de Mgr Ndongmo, à savoir qu' on ne peut pas conduire les hommes au ciel comme si la terre n'existait pas.

While neoliberals typically view civil society organizations as vital channels for the implementation of economic and political reforms, they are also inclined to blame the politics of belonging for the poor record of these reforms. Piet Konings rejects such notions and argues that the relationship between civil society and the politics of belonging is more complex in Africa than Western donors and scholars are inclined to admit. He argues that ethno-regional associations and movements are more significant constituents of civil society in Africa than the conventional organizations that are often uncritically imposed or endorsed. He shows how the politics of belonging, so pervasive in Cameroon, and indeed much of Africa, during the current neoliberal economic and political reforms, has tended to penetrate the entire range of associational life, and he calls for a critical re-appraisal of prevalent notions and assumptions about civil society in the interest of African reality.

This volume confronts black problems rooted in historical and material realities of oppression, colonialism, slavery, corruption, and subjugation in a world deaf to the cries, voices, and visions of heralds of an imminent black revolution. Some Unsung Black Revolutionary Voices and Visions gives readers new insights into the centrality of counter forces of the abovementioned material realities. The work is more of an ideal source for the editors sustained interest in these issues as well as any other historical shackle that chains and leaves the black man worldwide as a lesser man. This outstanding collection of essays explores the uniqueness and universality of Black Revolutionary Voices and Visions from the 19th Century to the 21st century. This engaging and incisive volume offering a high interest in historical and literary revolution of African and African Diasporic revolutionaries explores the voices and visions of Martin Delany, Sutton E. Griggs, Harriet Jacobs, Gebreyessus Hailu, Zora Neale Hurston, Okot pBtek, Fodba Keta, Walter Rodney, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, American Virgin Island Youths, Black Cultural Organizations, and Francis B. Nyamnjoh. The book is a gentle reminder of black pride that brings and connects in a coherent form the main struggles against which black creative thinkers, artists, activists, and historians fight to set the world free of pain, hurt, and corruption.

Kenya’s nationalism during the colonial period was marked by two main characteristics that feature in this book. First, the struggle for independence that was mainly characterized by the claim for land that had been taken away by the colonizers. Second was the struggle for autonomy and self-determination, mainly through political resistance. The authors in this book analyse historical trajectories of Kenya's nationalism trends while highlighting the role of political leaders, large as well as small ethnic groups, perennial conflicts, community as well as religious leaders, among others. The discussions demonstrate that quest for a national identity that is inclusive at all levels – whether politically, economically, religiously and ethnically – has marked Kenya's struggle for nationalism, sometimes leading to violence, especially during election periods, national unity through political coalitions and reconciliation, as well as institutional reforms. In conclusion, the authors demonstrate that while Kenya is gradually advancing towards national cohesion, there are still many challenges yet to be surmounted.

Genocide has been called the ‘crime of crimes’ and an ‘odious scourge.’ With millions of victims in the last century alone, it is one of the great moral and political challenges of our age. Despite the challenges, such human cruelty has not stopped. The 21st century is recording its first genocide in Cameroon with only a scanty few raising a finger. The significance of the ‘odious scourge’ has compelled Tatah Mentan to research on the trajectory of the ‘scourge’ in Africa over the past centuries. The targeted ongoing mass killings in Cameroon, like those of Rwanda before, have driven the scholar to expand his focus beyond the Holocaust, which had long been the primary case study. In this book, Tatah Mentan explains that these cases were not merely a human catastrophe, nor an atavistic reversion to the barbarism of a past epoch, but rather an event produced by the unfolding of the logic of capitalism itself. This book therefore critically explores the essence of capitalism as genocide in Africa and its consequences on Africans during their colonisation and incorporation into the European-dominated racialised capitalist world system in the late 18th century. It uses multidimensional, comparative methods, and critical approaches to explain the dynamic interplay among social structures, human agency, and terror to explain the connection between structural capitalist terrorism and the emergence of the capitalist world system. Tatah Mentan proposes a genuine participatory democratic alternative to the unending genocide nightmares. Nurturing participatory attitudes, would facilitate and reinforce self-management, and educate and empower individuals and dispossessed and under-represented communities to seek self-determination and democratic participation in the political arena. Tatah Mentan concludes that the same fundamental commitments that urge humanity to promote participatory political democracy should compel them to promote truly inclusive economic democracy as well. Political economists, historians, students, corporate managers and policy makers at national and international levels are invited to share the insights of this book.

This collection of essays, written by an outstanding group of scholars, makes a significant contribution to the debate on poverty alleviation in Cameroon, the country's stalled transition to democratic governance, identity and citizenship and the equitable allocation of resources. The essays contain a refreshing, rigorous and informative analysis of the Biya regime, opposition politics and provides practical strategies to enhance peaceful co-existence and sustainable develpment in the country.