What are the appropriate public policies for America as it approaches the coming century? The signs are all around. A market-liberal revolution is sweeping the planet, from Eastern Europe to Latin America to Asia, where governments are selling off state enterprises, cutting taxes, deregulating business, and showing new respect for property rights and freedom of choice. The two dozen essays in this book discuss how to bring the market-liberal revolution to the United States and explain how for-profit companies will revolutionize education, how deregulation of medical care can lower prices, how America can save $150 billion a year in military spending, how property rights can fix the environment, how deregulation and free trade produce prosperity, how competition produces health and safety, how America must deal with nuclear proliferation, how we can balance the budget without raising taxes, how the poverty and welfare trap can be ended, and how the inner cities can become livable again. This blueprint for reform is the alternative to both the status quo and the calls for even more government interference in our personal and economic activities. Any viable agenda for the 21st century must recognize the truth that all central planning, whether for education, medical care, or the environment, will only end in failure. Market Liberalism presents a new vision for American government, a positive, optimistic vision rooted in the principles of the Founders and suited to the challenges of the 21st century. It offers the promise of a free, prosperous, and pluralistic society for America and the world.

This timely volume tells the fascinating story of how an almost forgotten classical liberalism resuscitated itself in America. Using educational institutions, think-tanks, foundations and the Libertarian Party, market liberals capitalized on the post-1969 crisis of Great Society liberalism to promote an alternate vision. Despite Ronald Reagan's anti-government rhetoric, the activist state survived because market liberals remained a minority, albeit a vocal one. Kelley argues that the recent 'Gingrich Revolution' will fail for the same reason. Although remaining profoundly skeptical about the modern state, Americans have yet to be persuaded by F.A. Hayek's vision of a classical liberal utopia.

These essays assess market liberal or libertarian political theory. They provide insights into the limits of government, develop market-oriented solutions to pressing social problems, and explore some defects in traditional libertarian theory and practice. Some of the essays deal with crucial theoretical issues, asking whether the promotion of citizens' welfare can serve as the justification for the establishment of government, or inquiring into the constraints on individual behavior that exist in a liberal social order. Some essays explore market liberal or libertarian positions on specific public policy issues, such as affirmative action, ownership of the airwaves, the provision of healthcare, or the regulation of food and drugs. Other essays look at property rights, the morality of profit-making, or the provision of public goods. Still others address libertarianism as a political movement, suggesting ways in which libertarians can reach out to those who do not share their views.

This volume broadens the scope of 'comparative capitalism' within the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) tradition. It endorses the employment of multiple perspectives, including critical political economy, institutionalist systems of capitalism, structuralist-dependency scholarship and world-systems theory. The contributors deal with the theory of economic patriotism in a conceptual framework, as well as case studies regarding rent-seeking behaviour, the patronage state in Hungary and Poland, the conflict between national regulation and the European legal framework and the perspective of wage relations in the European institutional framework. The book concludes with the legacy of developmentalism and dirigisme in a core-periphery relation, based on the French state and a range of non-European cases including Iran, Brazil and Egypt.

This timely volume tells the fascinating story of how an almost forgotten classical liberalism resuscitated itself in America. Using educational institutions, think-tanks, foundations and the Libertarian Party, market liberals capitalized on the post-1969 crisis of Great Society liberalism to promote an alternate vision.

A provocative new vision of free market capitalism that achieves liberal ends by libertarian means Can libertarians care about social justice? In Free Market Fairness, John Tomasi argues that they can and should. Drawing simultaneously on moral insights from defenders of economic liberty such as F. A. Hayek and advocates of social justice such as John Rawls, Tomasi presents a new theory of liberal justice. This theory, free market fairness, is committed to both limited government and the material betterment of the poor. Unlike traditional libertarians, Tomasi argues that property rights are best defended not in terms of self-ownership or economic efficiency but as requirements of democratic legitimacy. At the same time, he encourages egalitarians concerned about social justice to listen more sympathetically to the claims ordinary citizens make about the importance of private economic liberty in their daily lives. In place of the familiar social democratic interpretations of social justice, Tomasi offers a "market democratic" conception of social justice: free market fairness. Tomasi argues that free market fairness, with its twin commitment to economic liberty and a fair distribution of goods and opportunities, is a morally superior account of liberal justice. Free market fairness is also a distinctively American ideal. It extends the notion, prominent in America's founding period, that protection of property and promotion of real opportunity are indivisible goals. Indeed, according to Tomasi, free market fairness is social justice, American style. Provocative and vigorously argued, Free Market Fairness offers a bold new way of thinking about politics, economics, and justice—one that will challenge readers on both the left and right.

'From Free to Fair Markets' proposes a new vision of liberalism coming out of the COVID-19 pandemic. An accessible articulation of a new economic path for liberal societies, this book addresses problems of economic disadvantage, stagnation, inequality, and climate change, and simultaneously emphasizes the importance of markets in ensuring the efficiency and sustainability of policy solutions. With concrete policies and practical steps, Rosalind Dixon and Richard Holden's proposal for future of liberalism offers a new way to think about economic policy that is fair and capable of responding to the challenges of a post-COVID world.

Recent elections in the advanced western democracies have undermined the basic foundations of political systems that had previously beaten back all challenges -- from both the left and the right. The election of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency, only months after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, signaled a dramatic shift in the politics of the rich democracies. In Anti-System Politics, Jonathan Hopkin traces the evolution of this shift and argues that it is a long-term result of abandoning the post-war model of egalitarian capitalism in the 1970s. That shift entailed weakening the democratic process in favor of an opaque, technocratic form of governance that allows voters little opportunity to influence policy. With the financial crisis of the late 2000s these arrangements became unsustainable, as incumbent politicians were unable to provide solutions to economic hardship. Electorates demanded change, and it had to come from outside the system. Using a comparative approach, Hopkin explains why different kinds of anti-system politics emerge in different countries and how political and economic factors impact the degree of electoral instability that emerges. Finally, he discusses the implications of these changes, arguing that the only way for mainstream political forces to survive is for them to embrace a more activist role for government in protecting societies from economic turbulence. A historically-grounded analysis of arguably the most important global political phenomenon at present, Anti-System Politics illuminates how and why the world seems upside down.

This systematic critique of Ronald Dworkin's theory of liberal equality focuses on the highly influential theory of liberal equality, revealing the hazards and limitations of basing the central ideas of liberalism on the logic of the market.

Anthony Fontenot’s staggeringly ambitious book uncovers the surprisingly libertarian heart of the most influential British and American architectural and urbanist discourses of the postwar period, expressed as a critique of central design and a support of spontaneous order. Non-Design illuminates the unexpected philosophical common ground between enemies of state support, most prominently the economist Friedrich Hayek, and numerous notable postwar architects and urbanists like Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown, Reyner Banham, and Jane Jacobs. These thinkers espoused a distinctive concept of "non-design,"characterized by a rejection of conscious design and an embrace of various phenomenon that emerge without intention or deliberate human guidance. This diffuse and complex body of theories discarded many of the cultural presuppositions of the time, shunning the traditions of modern design in favor of the wisdom, freedom, and self-organizing capacity of the market. Fontenot reveals the little-known commonalities between the aesthetic deregulation sought by ostensibly liberal thinkers and Hayek’s more controversial conception of state power, detailing what this unexplored affinity means for our conceptions of political liberalism. Non-Design thoroughly recasts conventional views of postwar architecture and urbanism, as well as liberal and libertarian philosophies.