Seminar paper from the year 2016 in the subject Politics - Region: Africa, grade: 1,3, Catholic University Eichstätt-Ingolstadt, language: English, abstract: Over the last two decades, the post-colonial state of Somalia has been well-known as a so-called “failed state” in the scholarly literature. Common structures of a national state were not visible in the African country. Somalia, even though far from politically stable under the dictator Siad Barre, had been suffering even more after the down-fall of the regime in 1991. Ever since, war, destruction, hunger and poverty had been predominant in the fragile state. It lacked organisation, authority and essential structures. Terrorist groups as well as warlords shaped the political landscape of the country. And although Somalia had transitional administrations from 2004, it did not have a functioning central government until the 2012 election of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. Shortland and Percy described the situation accurately by stating: “anarchy on land means piracy at sea”.

The first contribution to Global Flashpoints: A Scarecrow Press Series, Christopher Daniels’ Somali Piracy and Terrorism in the Horn of Africa provides readers with a comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the spate of piracy and terrorism plaguing the waters of Somalia and the global threat posed by this activity. Contesting the commonly held perception that the piracy and terrorism occurring in Somalia are two separate and unrelated activities, Daniels reveals how the collapse of the Somali state and the chaos that has ensued created the environment for piracy and terrorism to flourish in combination. He also notes how the failure to restore a functioning central government has allowed both to become dangerous threats not only to the people of Somalia but the entire world. Underscoring Somalia’s dire state, Somali Piracy and Terrorism in the Horn of Africa lays out for readers such significant topics as the reasons behind the collapse of the Somali state and the secession of Somaliland, Puntland, and Jubaland; the rise of internationally-linked terrorist groups, such as Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam; and the dramatic spike in pirate attacks off the Somali coast. Daniels concludes by critiquing the methods that have been used to help alleviate these global security challenges and gives policy recommendations for future consideration. Designed to enhance readers’ grasp of this global flashpoint, this volume includes a timeline, a glossary of terms, biographical entries on key individual and institutional actors in this conflict, and selected primary sources. It is the ideal introduction to students and scholars of international relations, African history and politics, terrorism, and maritime studies.

The pirates of Somalia have shaken the maritime world. They have mounted what amounts to the most substantial non-state threat to the security of international shipping for half a century and perhaps longer. Piracy outbreaks have also occurred in Southeast Asia and West Africa. In each case the international community has responded differently. What lessons can be learned from three different approaches and is it possible to distill lessons of international best practice that can be applied in the Gulf of Aden and the northern Arabian Sea? This paper will examine how and why these three piracy outbreaks arose. It will describe in particular why the threat off Somalia grew so rapidly, why it declined and why the elements that made it successful remain in place. It will examine the responses of the international community, asking whether or not the response off Somalia might have been more effective if it had benefitted from stronger international backing and more coherent coordination. It will make the point that maritime security – the prevention and suppression of disorder at sea – must address many more issues than piracy as the theft of fish and the movement of drugs; weapons and people can often present greater risks. It will build on this point by looking at maritime security developments drawn from all three regions that may be employed advantageously in the Gulf of Aden and Arabian Sea, before circling back to look at the fundamental problem, which is one of landward security and asking what initiatives have been taken to address this in Somalia and which ones appear to be yielding results. Finally, it will examine whether the way forward does lie with a unified global initiative, or if steps are better taken regionally calling upon extra-regional support as necessary.

Maritime piracy is a universal crime under international law which places the lives of seafarers in jeopardy and affects the shared economic interests of all nations. The United States will not tolerate a haven where pirates can act with impunity; it is therefore in our national interests to work with all States to repress piracy off the Horn of Africa. In addition to placing the lives and safety of seafarers in jeopardy, a single piratical attack affects the interests of numerous countries, including the flag State of the vessel, various States of nationality of the seafarers taken hostage, regional coastal States, owners' States, and cargo destination and transshipment States. In the case of Somalia-based piracy, increasingly brazen attacks in 2.5 million square miles of ocean from land-based enclaves along an undergoverned and economically devastated 2,300-mile coast pose a threat to global shipping. This combination of illicit activity and nonexistent rule of law offer a potential breeding ground for other transnational threats. This Plan implements the "National Strategy for Maritime Security" (September 2005) and the "Policy for the Repression of Piracy and other Criminal Acts of Violence at Sea" (June 2007) as applied to piracy off the Horn of Africa. The Strategy affirms the vital national interest of the United States in maritime security, and recognizes that nations have a common interest in achieving two complementary objectives: to facilitate the vibrant maritime commerce that underpins economic security, and to protect against ocean-related criminal and dangerous acts, including piracy. This Plan focuses on immediate operational measures to prevent, disrupt, and punish acts of Somali pirate organizations. We intend this Plan to respond to the growing threat and to be mutually supportive of longer-term initiatives aimed at establishing governance, rule of law, security, and economic development in Somalia.

Unregulated or lesser regulated maritime spaces are ideal theatres of operation and mediums of transportation for terrorists, insurgents and pirates. For more than a decade, the Indian Ocean waters adjoining Somalia have been a particular locus of such activities, with pirates hijacking vessels, and Al Qaeda and Al Shabab elements travelling between Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, operating lucrative businesses and even staging deadly operations at sea. These operations and threats however, remain, by and large, understudied. Responses to the two threats have varied, highlighting the lack of cohesive regional and global institutions with the mandate and the capacity to address them. Those scholarly deliberations on Indian Ocean maritime security focus on piracy and armed robbery at sea, while their terrorist/insurgent counterparts have eluded sustained scrutiny. This volume will help close that gap by looking at both from the field in Somalia and Yemen, within broader frameworks of regional maritime security and port-state control, international maritime law and the ongoing search for maritime resources. The European, African and Middle Eastern case studies add salience to the regional and international complexity surrounding maritime security off the Horn of Africa. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of the Indian Ocean Region.

A total of 2,463 actual or attempted acts of piracy were registered around the world between 2000 and the end of 2006. This represents an annual average incident rate of 352, a substantial increase over the mean of 209 recorded for the period of 1994 1999. The concentration of pirate attacks continues to be greatest in Southeast Asia, especially in the waters around the Indonesian archipelago (including stretches of the Malacca Straits that fall under the territorial jurisdiction of the Jakarta government), which accounted for roughly 25 percent of all global incidents during 2006. Seven main factors have contributed to the general emergence of piracy in the contemporary era. First and most fundamentally, there has been a massive increase in commercial maritime traffic. Combined with the large number of ports around the world, this growth has provided pirates with an almost limitless range of tempting, high-payoff target. Second is the higher incidence of seaborne commercial traffic that passes through narrow and congested maritime chokepoints. These bottlenecks require ships to significantly reduce speed to ensure safe passage, which dramatically heightens their exposure to midsea interception and attack.

"Proceedings of the NATO Advanced Research Workshop on Piracy and Maritime Terrorism: Logistics, Strategies, Scenarios, Lisbon, Portugal, 19-22 May 2009."

The recent surge in piracy attacks off the coast of Somalia has triggered an international response which is unprecedented in terms of the number of actors involved. The International Response to Somali Piracy presents a comprehensive treatment of the international response to Somali piracy, exploring current initiatives to counter the piracy threat, both operationally and legally. Moreover, the book analyzes the regional and broader international context within which these initiatives are taken, and identifies the challenges and opportunities for international cooperation on fighting piracy at sea. This volume brings together experts from a great variety of different backgrounds and disciplines.

Do piracy and maritime terrorism, individually or together, present a threat to international security, and what relationship if any exists between them? Piracy may be a marginal problem in itself, but the connections between organised piracy and wider criminal networks and corruption on land make it an element of a phenomenon that can have a weakening effect on states and a destabilising one on the regions in which it is found. Furthermore, it is also an aspect of a broader problem of disorder at sea that, exacerbated by the increasing pressure on littoral waters from growing numbers of people and organisations seeking to exploit maritime resources, encourages maritime criminality and gives insurgents and terrorists the freedom to operate. In this context, maritime terrorism, though currently only a low-level threat, has the potential to spread and become more effective in the event of political change on land. It is only by addressing the issue of generalised maritime disorder that the problems of piracy and maritime terrorism may be controlled in the long term.

As the so-called Arab Spring has slid into political uncertainty, lingering insecurity and civil conflict, European and American initial enthusiasm for anti-authoritarian protests has given way to growing concerns that revolutionary turmoil in North Africa may in fact have exposed the West to new risks. Critical in cementing this conviction has been the realisation that developments originated from Arab Mediterranean countries and spread to the Sahel have now such a potential to affect Western security and interests as to warrant even military intervention, as France’s operation in Mali attests. EU and US involvement in fighting piracy off the Horn of Africa had already laid bare the nexus between their security interests and protracted crises in sub-Saharan Africa. But the new centrality acquired by the Sahel after the Arab uprisings – particularly after Libya’s civil war – has elevated this nexus to a new, larger dimension. The centre of gravity of Europe’s security may be swinging to Africa, encompassing a wide portion of the continental landmass extending south of Mediterranean coastal states. The recrudescence of the terrorist threat from Mali to Algeria might pave the way to an American pivot to Africa, thus requiring fresh thinking on how the European Union and the United States can better collaborate with each other and with relevant regional actors.