Selected by Mothership.SG as one of the Top 10 local non-fiction books of 2014 3rd Prize Winner of Popular Readers' Choice Award 2015, English (Adult) Category Chiam See Tong (b. 1935) is Singapore’s longest serving opposition politician. A member of parliament for nearly three decades, Chiam is also one of Singapore’s most iconic, influential and beloved political figures. Through his efforts in shaping Potong Pasir into a “model constituency”, the veteran statesman has greatly contributed towards an increasingly pluralistic Singapore. When he first entered politics in 1976, there was not a single opposition member in Parliament. As the founder of the Singapore Democratic Party, and later the Singapore People’s Party, Chiam has long rallied for the need of an opposition as the essential democratic check on a one-party system. He is respected for his level-headed and non-confrontational stance, and is the only opposition member to have received public apologies and out-of-court damages from cabinet ministers of Singapore’s ruling People’s Action Party. Based on extensive interviews, family documents and party archives, Let the People Have Him is the first biography of an opposition politician from post-independence Singapore—a biography of a man who, through his accomplishments and devotion, struggled to build a fairer, more balanced and diverse country. Tracing the first half of a life fully lived, this book sheds light on Chiam’s circuitous and colourful route to Parliament at the age of 49—from his revolutionary family background to his days as a champion school swimmer; from his political awakening in New Zealand to his stint as an inspiring school teacher in Malaysia; from training as a lawyer to his cross-continental romance with his wife Lina; from standing as an independent candidate in 1976 to winning the Potong Pasir seat in 1984 as the leader of the fledging Singapore Democratic Party. Let the People Have Him draws a humanistic picture of Chiam in his early days—as his country changed around him before he was to change it—while revealing the guiding values that have made this humble and unassuming man revered for generations to come.

Based on extensive interviews and archival material, The First Wave tells the story of the opposition in Singapore in its critical first thirty years in Parliament. Democratisation has been described to occur in waves. The first wave of a democratic awakening in post-independence Singapore began with J. B. Jeyaretnam’s victory in the Anson by-election of 1981. That built up to the 1984 general election, the first of many to be called a “watershed”, in which Chiam See Tong was also elected in Potong Pasir. After their successes in 1991, the opposition began dreaming of forming the government. But their euphoria was short-lived. Serious fault lines in the leading Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) rose to the surface almost immediately after the opposition victories of 1991, and the party was wiped out of Parliament by 1997. The opposition spent the next decade experimenting with coalition arrangements, to work their way back to victory.

It is said that the duty of public servants is to 'speak truth to power' — to give honest, sound and sometimes unpopular advice to political leaders. Underneath the narrative of the Singapore story, as personified by Lee Kuan Yew and the first-generation leaders, lie the lesser-known tales of dedicated public servants in the nation-building process. Singapore's development cannot be fully understood without considering the role of those in public service during the transition to independence from the 1950s to 60s.Featuring oral history interviews from the National Archives of Singapore with 11 pioneer public servants, Speaking Truth to Power: Singapore's Pioneer Public Servants reveals first-hand, personal accounts of the civil service's transition from the colonial era, their relationship with the political leaders, and how Singapore's economic development was driven by sound public administration in those critical years. The annotated interviews make for an easily readable format for researchers and general audiences alike.Some of Singapore's pioneer public servants featured in the book include:Wee Chong Jin, The First Local Chief JusticeGoh Koh Pui, Chairman of the PSAAbdul Wahab Ghows, Solicitor-General and High Court JudgeHedwig Anuar, Director of the National LibraryKwa Soon Bee, Pioneer of Singapore's Healthcare SystemAlan Choe, HDB's First Architect-Planner, and Founder of the URAChan Chin Bock, Chairman of the EDBJ. Y. Pillay, The Man Behind Singapore AirlinesNgiam Tong Dow, The Maverick Perm SecTommy Koh, Singapore's Representative at the United NationsWinston Choo, The First Chief of Defence Force

In The Roots of Resilience Meredith L. Weiss examines governance from the ground up in the world's two most enduring electoral authoritarian or "hybrid" regimes—Singapore and Malaysia—where politically liberal and authoritarian features blend, evading substantive democracy. Weiss explains that while key attributes of these regimes differ, affecting the scope, character, and balance among national parties and policies, local machines, and personalized linkages, the similarity in the overall patterns in these countries confirms the salience of those dimensions. The Roots of Resilience shows that high levels of authoritarian acculturation, amplifying the political payoffs of what parties and politicians actually provide their constituents, explain why electoral turnover alone is insufficient for real regime change in either state.

For Davita Chandal, growing up in New York in the 1930s and '40s is an experience of indescribable joy—and unfathomable sadness. Her loving parents, both fervent radicals, fill her with the fiercely bright hope for a new, better world. But the deprivations of war and the Depression take their ruthless toll. And Davita, unexpectedly, finds in the Jewish faith that her mother had long ago abandoned both a solace to her questioning inner pain and a test of her budding spirit of independence. To her, life's elusive possibilities for happiness, for fulfillment, for decency, become as real and resonant as the music of the small harp that hangs on her door, welcoming all guests with its sweet, gentle tones. Praise for Davita's Harp “Rich . . . enchanting . . . [Chaim] Potok's bravest book.”—The New York Times Book Review “It is an enormous pleasure to sink into such a rich . . . solidly written novel. The reader knows from the first few pages that he is in the hands of a sure professional who won't let him down.”—People “Engrossing . . . Filled with a host of richly drawn characters. Potok is a master storyteller.”—Chicago Tribune “Gripping and intriguing . . . A well-told tale that needed telling.”—The Philadelphia Inquirer

In the months leading up to the 1997 Singapore General Election, many observers were already billing it in terms of a "watershed" election that would chart the course of Singapore politics well into the 21st century. The ruling People's Action Party had seen its popular vote slide in the previous three successive elections and was determined to stem, if not decisively reverse, that slide. On the other hand, the opposition parties were determined to hand the ruling party a fourth successive reduction in its vote and, through that, establish a long-term trend in decline in support for the PAP. The outcome of the election, which was bitterly fought, will indeed have major implications for Singapore politics well into the new millennium. This book analyses the significant aspects of the election campaign, provides a host of interpretations for the election results, sets out alternative explanations to certain political phenomena given by other observers, and details some of the key implications the outcome of the elections will have for the Singapore body politic, in particular, and society at large, in general.

Goh Chok Tong was an improbable Prime Minister for an unlikely country. Not by the norms and logic of most developing Asian countries. He had neither the connections nor the cunning to rise to the top, and was even once famously derided by his mentor Lee Kuan Yew for being "wooden" in his communication skills. Except for an imposing height most unusual in this part of the world, he was an ordinary man. He lost his father at a young age, lived in a two-bedroom public flat with his mother and four siblings and needed a government bursary to complete university.

Some six decades of socialisation by the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) has ingrained in a majority of Singaporeans the instinct that it is not unusual to give up certain personal liberties for the greater good as long as the PAP State ensures the material well-being of Singaporeans. The general election of 2020 (GE2020) during the COVID-19 pandemic, put this social compact between the people and the State to the test. Significant job losses, wage cuts, and an erosion of personal wealth — due to measures to counter the pandemic — cut substantially into the PAP popular vote nationally, and resulted in an unprecedented 10 candidates from the opposition Workers' Party (WP) being elected to Parliament. GE2020 confirmed the trend from GE2011, when the WP first made a breakthrough, that Singaporeans will only accept a party in moderate opposition to the PAP. This narrative differs markedly from conventional wisdom.Breakthrough 2.0 explores the aforementioned phenomena. The book analyses critically the issues surrounding parliamentary elections in Singapore. It also focuses on issues not explored by many other observers, namely voter psychology; election processes; and, party branding. A comparative analysis of election practices and processes in other jurisdictions is also employed to determine where parallels can or cannot be drawn with the situation in Singapore.The author has had direct access to personalities across the political parties. Consequently, he utilises primary sources, supported by evidence, in sketching out backstories to events which exposes certain myths that were prevailing in social media in the months running up to GE2020.

This volume seeks to identify and explore the dynamics of global forces on the development of higher education in Asia, in particular, how neoliberalism has affected reforms on university governance and management in the region. It includes a set of country-specific studies on how various countries have responded to the dominant neoliberal ideology at the systemic, institutional, and process levels. The focus is on the relationship between the state and the universities, which is usually reflected in the degree of autonomy and accountability allowed in a particular higher education system. The selected countries are Cambodia, China, Indonesia, India, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, and Thailand. Each case study examines the establishment of corporatised or autonomous universities in the country focusing on (i) the acts, reports, and/or policies that led to such a move as well as the rationales behind the move; (ii) the changes in the governance and organisational structure of the universities, highlighting the kinds of autonomy that the universities have; (iii) the new management strategies, techniques, and practices that have been introduced to the university including the internal and external quality assurance mechanisms, and (iv) some of the tensions, conflicts, and acts of resistance that may have emerged.