"The children are more than mere pictures. They tell us the truths about Japan." So wrote a visitor to Japan at the turn of the century and this view underlies the title of this book. The first few years of a child's life are vitally imporant for preparing it to be a member of the society to which it belongs. Japanese methods of childcare are consequently directed towards taking advantage of the receptivity of the early years. They are also different in many ways from Western methods and much of the colorful detail in this book will be of great interest to mothers everywhere--from family beds and toilet training to the elaborate religious ceremonies of childhood. Joyn Hendry looks at customs and traditions, at rewards and punishments, and at the day-to-day life of children at home, at school, and in the wider world. Joy Hendry's research involved working with Japanese mothers and other care takers, and with kindergartens and day nurseries. She has drawn on the work of sociologists, psychologists and educationalists in English and Japanese, but the theoretical framework for the study is drawn from social anthropology.

Informative as well as entertaining, this volume offers many interesting facets of the first hundred years of anthropology at Oxford University.

In the early 1980s, when the contributors to this volume completed their graduate training at Oxford, the conditions of practice in anthropology were undergoing profound change. Professionally, the immediate postcolonial period was over and neoliberal reforms were marginalizing the social sciences. Analytically, the poststructuralist critique of the notion of ‘society’ challenged a discipline that dubbed itself as ‘social’. Here self-ethnography is used to portray the contributors’ anthropological trajectories, showing how analytical and academic engagements interacted creatively over time.

Robert Parkin's book gives a reading of each of these texts before going on to show their subsequent influence on anthropologists in particular. Hertz's activities as reviewer and phamphleteer are also covered. The introductory biographical chapter drawing on Hertz's surviving papers in the Collège de France, shows his own ambivalence towards his academic career and it also attempts to clarify the circumstances leading up to his apparently gratuitous death in the First World War. Two further chapters attempt to situate his work in the broader context of Durkheimian sociology.

There is surprisingly little fieldwork done on the United States by anthropologists from abroad. America Observed fills that gap by bringing into greater focus empirical as well as theoretical implications of this phenomenon. Edited by Virginia Dominguez and Jasmin Habib, the essays collected here offer a critique of such an absence, exploring its likely reasons while also illustrating the advantages of studying fieldwork-based anthropological projects conducted by colleagues from outside the U.S. This volume contains an introduction written by the editors and fieldwork-based essays written by Helena Wulff, Jasmin Habib, Limor Darash, Ulf Hannerz, and Moshe Shokeid, and reflections on the broad issue written by Geoffrey White, Keiko Ikeda, and Jane Desmond. Suitable for introductory and mid-level anthropology courses, America Observed will also be useful for American Studies courses both in the U.S. and elsewhere.

For the last five decades, the Dani of the central highlands of West Papua, along with other Papuans, have struggled with the oppressive conditions of Indonesian rule. Formal education holds the promise of escape from stigmatization and violence. Dreams Made Small offers an in-depth, ethnographic look at journeys of education among young Dani men and women, asking us to think differently about education as a trajectory for transformation and belonging, and ultimately revealing how dreams of equality are shaped and reshaped in the face of multiple constraints.

This new dictionary comprises more than 400 entries, providing concise, authoritative definitions for a range of concepts relating to cultural anthropology, as well as important findings and intellectual figures in the field. Entries include adaptation and kinship, scientific racism, and writing culture, providing readers with a wide-ranging overview of the subject. Accessibly written and engaging, A Dictionary of Cultural Anthropology is authored by subject experts, and presents anthropology as a dynamic and lively field of enquiry. Complemented by a global list of anthropological organizations, more than 20 figures and tables to illustrate the entries, and web links pointing to useful external sources, this is an essential text for undergraduates studying anthropology, and also serves those studying allied subjects such as archaeology, politics, economics, geography, sociology, and gender studies.

In this pithy two-part essay, Marshall Sahlins reinvigorates the debates on what constitutes kinship, building on some of the best scholarship in the field to produce an original outlook on the deepest bond humans can have. Covering thinkers from Aristotle and Lévy- Bruhl to Émile Durkheim and David Schneider, and communities from the Maori and the English to the Korowai of New Guinea, he draws on a breadth of theory and a range of ethnographic examples to form an acute definition of kinship, what he calls the “mutuality of being.” Kinfolk are persons who are parts of one another to the extent that what happens to one is felt by the other. Meaningfully and emotionally, relatives live each other’s lives and die each other’s deaths. In the second part of his essay, Sahlins shows that mutuality of being is a symbolic notion of belonging, not a biological connection by “blood.” Quite apart from relations of birth, people may become kin in ways ranging from sharing the same name or the same food to helping each other survive the perils of the high seas. In a groundbreaking argument, he demonstrates that even where kinship is reckoned from births, it is because the wider kindred or the clan ancestors are already involved in procreation, so that the notion of birth is meaningfully dependent on kinship rather than kinship on birth. By formulating this reversal, Sahlins identifies what kinship truly is: not nature, but culture.