This book is a critical reposition of the study of military regimes in Africa. Documenting and delving deep into the reign and rule of General Mohamed Siad Barre regime in Somalia from 1969 up to 1991, the book puts emphasis on African agencies—ostensibly shaped by external beneficiaries and patrons—over what went wrong with Africa after the much-awaited post-colonial period. It does so by critically engaging with the wider theoretical and conceptual frameworks in African Studies which more often than not tend to attribute the post-colonial African State raptures to colonialism. The main thesis of the book is that colonialism left Africa on its own space wherein African leaders could have made a difference. By putting discrete perspectives into historical context, the book circumnavigates through comparative and comprehensive holistic approach to the Siad Barre regime to reveal how colonialism did not produce less than what criminalisation of the State resulted in Somalia. This empirical analysis is crucial to understanding the contemporary conundrum facing the Somali world today. The argument is that the contemporary conflicts are not only attributable to—but also because of—the past plunders of the post-colonial leaders trained by the departed colonial authorities. Employing nuanced analytic concepts and categories, the aim of the book is to refine the past to recapture the present and envision the future. Framing new ways of analyzing military regimes in Africa begins with (re)assessment of how the Siad Barre regime was previously approached. Marshalling extensive and extraordinary amount of sources, the book unveils the intricacies and contradictions of the dictatorship and its impact on the Somali psyche. The book locates the evolution of the regime within the wider context of the Cold War political contestation between the East and the West. Unparalleled in-depth and analysis, this book is the first full-length scholarly study of the Siad Barre regime systematically explaining the politics and process of the dictatorial rule. The historicity of exploring Somali State trajectory entails employing a Braudelian longue durée approach. Thus, three interrelated sets of contexts/questions inform the study: how Siad Barre himself came into power, how he ruled and maintained his authoritarian reign over the Somalis and who had assisted him from inside and outside the Somali world.

Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia in 1991, though no country in the world has recognized its existence. Since then Somaliland has maintained peace and stability while laying the groundwork for democratic governance. But today Somaliland is at a perilous crossroads. The administration of President Dahir Riyale Kahin has repeatedly failed to hold key elections originally scheduled for mid-2008. The resulting crisis has laid bare the limits of what Somaliland has accomplished and now threatens its hard-won progress. Somaliland's government continues to rely on extralegal "security committees" to usurp the role of the courts and allow government officials to incarcerate criminal suspects, including children, without charge or trial. While heavy-handed acts of repression are rare, they are not unheard of, and low-level harassment of journalists, opposition officials and others is common. The president and his government frequently flout the laws and constitution, while the legislature and the courts do nothing to rein in such abuses of power. Human Rights Watch urges Somaliland's government to ensure that presidential elections are held as currently scheduled in September 2009. In the longer term, Somaliland's government should make a concerted effort to strengthen the rule of law and end human rights violations. Somaliland's international partners, whether they recognize Somaliland's independence or not, should use both pressure and assistance to help ensure that this happens.

This work uses 11 African case studies in its exploration of the phenomenon of collapsed states. The writers consider the causes of collapse; symptoms and early warning signs; and how the situation was met. They also assess the strengths and weaknesses of various responses, such as UN action.

As well as providing vivid and sympathetic accounts of geography, peoples, and cultures, three women writers use their books to chart their own historical and social positions. In Maps of Difference Wendy Roy explores the ways in which Anna Jameson, Mina Hubbard, and Margaret Laurence were attuned to the cultural imperialism underlying their travel writing. Roy considers the connections Jameson makes between feminism and anti-racism in Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada (1838), Hubbard's insights in A Woman's Way Through Unknown Labrador (1908) into her relationship with First Nations men who had both more and less power than she, and Laurence's awareness of colonial and patriarchical oppression in her African memoir, The Prophet's Camel Bell (1963). Roy also examines archival and First Nations accounts of these women's travels, and the sketches, photos, and maps that accompany their writing, to examine contradictions in and question the implied objectivity of travel narratives. She concludes by looking at the myth of "getting there first" and the ways in which new technologies of representation, including cameras, allow travellers and writers to claim new travel "firsts."

This book offers a contemporary look at Somali from the standpoint of its major varieties and provides a comprehensive account of the language that is grounded in linguistic theory and the latest scholarship. The grammar includes an extensive array of examples drawn from online corpora and from fieldwork with native speakers of the language.

Traditional histories of war have typically explored masculine narratives of military and political action, leaving private, domestic life relatively unstudied. This volume expands our understanding by looking at the relationships between mothers and children, and the varied roles both have assumed during periods of armed conflict.

This report documents the neglected situation of Somalia’s minorities. It aims to raise awareness of the continuing severe violations of their human rights, so that they can move from exclusion and poverty towards a future of dignity, equal opportunities and non-discrimination alongside their fellow citizens. The report examines the current situation in three regions of Somalia – Somaliland, Puntland and south-central Somalia – where differing political climates have left minorities in a state of desperation. Severe human rights violations against internally displaced minorities, particularly women, were reported to MRG’s researchers in Puntland. Accounts of hate speech, displacement and religious persecution, particularly of Christians, emerged in the violent south-central region of the country, where militant organization al-Shabaab controls much of the territory. Meanwhile, in the relatively peaceful self-declared Republic of Somaliland in north-western Somalia, minorities still face significant barriers in the political, educational and social spheres. MRG emphasizes, among other recommendations, that the future new Constitution of Somalia must recognize the country’s minorities and guarantee their right to non-discrimination; that the participation of minorities in public life should be promoted; and that special measures should be implemented to protect and promote the rights of women from minority communities. The report’s author, Martin Hill, is a specialist on Somali human rights. He has extensive experience of the Horn of Africa, having spent more than 30 years as a researcher for Amnesty International.