"It is important not to confuse freedom with mere permissiveness." Theodore John Kaczynski (1942-) or also known as the Unabomber, is an Americandomestic terrorist and anarchist who moved to a remote cabin in 1971. The cabin lackedelectricity or running water, there he lived as a recluse while learning how to be self-sufficient. He began his bombing campaign in 1978 after witnessing the destruction ofthe wilderness surrounding his cabin.

The Unabomber was America's most wanted man, responsible for sixteen bombings in as many years, killing 3 and injuring 23 more. It took the FBI nearly 18 years before they were able to catch him and he was identified as Theodore J. Kaczynski. It was in 1995 when the Unabomber Ted Kaczynski first broke his silence, following an unprecedented deal. He would call off his one-man war on techno-industrial society if the media would publish his reasons for it. With the technocracy of America held hostage, the media could only comply. When published, the Unabomber came across as a forceful yet an articulate advocate of primitivism, not the crazed serial killer of the FBI's personality profilers. His radical critique of techno-industrial civilisation, Industrial Society And Its Future, captured the imagination of many of America's public that can now see that technology and liberty are not always compatible.Despite Ted's crimes, in today's modern age of social media and technological boom, his manifesto could carry a much stronger message.

Theodore Kaczynski saw violent collapse as the only way to bring down the techno-industrial system, and in more than a decade of mail bomb terror he killed three people and injured 23 others. One does not need to support the actions that landed Kaczynski in supermax prison to see the value of his essays disabusing the notion of heroic technology while revealing the manner in which it is destroying the planet. For the first time, readers will have an uncensored personal account of his anti-technology philosophy, including a corrected version of the notorious ''Unabomber Manifesto,''Kaczynski, s critique of anarcho-primitivism, and essays regarding ''the Coming Revolution.''

World-renowned economist Klaus Schwab, Founder and Executive Chairman of the World Economic Forum, explains that we have an opportunity to shape the fourth industrial revolu­tion, which will fundamentally alter how we live and work. Schwab argues that this revolution is different in scale, scope and complexity from any that have come before. Characterized by a range of new technologies that are fusing the physical, digital and biological worlds, the developments are affecting all disciplines, economies, industries and governments, and even challenging ideas about what it means to be human. Artificial intelligence is already all around us, from supercomputers, drones and virtual assistants to 3D printing, DNA sequencing, smart thermostats, wear­able sensors and microchips smaller than a grain of sand. But this is just the beginning: nanomaterials 200 times stronger than steel and a million times thinner than a strand of hair and the first transplant of a 3D printed liver are already in development. Imagine “smart factories” in which global systems of manu­facturing are coordinated virtually, or implantable mobile phones made of biosynthetic materials. The fourth industrial revolution, says Schwab, is more significant, and its ramifications more profound, than in any prior period of human history. He outlines the key technologies driving this revolution and discusses the major impacts expected on government, business, civil society and individu­als. Schwab also offers bold ideas on how to harness these changes and shape a better future—one in which technology empowers people rather than replaces them; progress serves society rather than disrupts it; and in which innovators respect moral and ethical boundaries rather than cross them. We all have the opportunity to contribute to developing new frame­works that advance progress.

Graphic novel adaptation of the 1995 essay "Industrial Society and Its Future" by Theodore John Kaczynski.

"There are many people today who see that modern society is heading toward disaster in one form or another, and who moreover recognize technology as the common thread linking the principal dangers that hang over us... The purpose of this book is to show people how to begin thinking in practical, grand-strategic terms about what must be done in order to get our society off the road to destruction that it is now on." --from the Preface In Anti-Tech Revolution: Why and How, Kaczynski argues why the rational prediction and control of the development of society is impossible while expounding on the existence of a process fundamental to technological growth that inevitably leads to disaster: a universal process akin to biological natural selection operating autonomously on all dynamic systems and determining the long-term outcome of all significant social developments. Taking a highly logical, fact-based, and intellectually rigorous approach, Kaczynski seamlessly systematizes a vast breadth of knowledge and elegantly reconciles the social sciences with biology to illustrate how technological growth in and of itself necessarily leads to disastrous disruption of global biological systems. Together with this new understanding of social and biological change, and by way of an extensive examination of the dynamics of social movements, Kaczynski argues why there is only one route available to avoid the disaster that technological growth entails: a revolution against technology and industrial society. Through critical and comprehensive analysis of the principles of social revolutions and by carefully developing an exacting theory of successful revolution, Kaczynski offers a practical, rational, and realistic guide for preventing the fast-approaching technology-induced catastrophe. This new second edition (2020) contains various updates and improvements over the first edition (2016), including two new appendices.

When the Unabomber suspect was arrested at a cabin outside Lincoln, Montana, in 1996 no one was more surprised than his neighbor of 25 years, Chris Waits. Now Waits, whom ABC News described as the ''man who knew him best,'' has stepped forward with his significant portrait of Kaczynski. He teamed with veteran Montana newsman Dave Shors to write a riveting story about the secret years in Lincoln. Waits was the only person who could tell this story, which includes a compelling mix of personal observations. Waits shares copies of Kaczynski documents and personal journals obtained from the FBI, most of which have never been published before.

In the first ever book-length philosophical analysis of Ted Kaczynski's writings on Industrial Civilization, Chad A. Haag explores the supremely-forbidden territory of questioning Modern Technology. Although the media has almost exclusively restricted the discussion of Kaczynski's philosophy to the Unabomber Manifesto, Chad A. Haag breaks the silence regarding his vast body of writings by examining his fragmentary magnum opus Anti-Tech Revolution: Why and How and the shorter published essays. In addition, Haag analyses numerous super-rare unpublished essays, letters, and allegories retrieved from the Kaczynski Papers archive in Michigan in order to situate his thought within the context of the other great philosophers who wrote on Modern Technology, such as Jacques Ellul and Martin Heidegger, as well as to determine Kaczynski's unexpected relations to classical thinkers such as Aristotle, Plato, Husserl, and Descartes. In addition, Kaczynski's unique views offer potent alternatives to the all-too-familiar political stances of Bernie Sanders, Andrew Yang, and leftists in general. Finally, Kaczynski's rationalistic epistemology of essence, his implicit theory of hermeneutical subjectivity, and his views on morality are fleshed out explicitly for the first time ever.

Through Chase's compelling narration of the planning and execution of unabomber Ted Kaczynski's crimes, we come to know a thoroughly cold-blooded killer, but one whose ideas were uncannily close to those of mainstream America.