QU ALITIES, QUERIES, AND REPUTE Holland has bred its share of remarkable men and Gerard van Swieten was one of them. Raised in Leiden by fairly prosperous Catholic parents, educated at Louvain and Leiden, acknowledged as one of the most gifted pupils of the famed scientist Herman Boerhaave, and an eminent doctor in his native city for many years, he became chief physician at the Court of Vienna, director of the Imperial Library, head of both the Vienna Medical Faculty and the Censorship Commission, and trusted councillor of the Empress Maria Theresa. There is a short street in Leiden that presently honors his name and his figure is one of those surrounding the Empress on her imposing memorial in Vienna. What sort of man was this who travelled so far? What achievements, what qualities deserve such remembrances? Why a study of his life? Gerard van Swieten worked no miracles. He accomplished no "diplo matic revolution," commanded no victorious army, helped to change no political boundary, wrote no literary masterpiece, proposed no radically new or notable scientific theory. More of an organizer than an innovator, more of an administrator than an orginator, he was content to compile, to put together, to comment upon, to explain the discoveries of others and to manipulate the given situations presented to him. He seldom initiated. He followed through.

I. In some periods of the past Netherlands medicine has played a major role in the evolution of European medicine; today its history still enjoys much in terest even at the other side of the Ocean. In this bibliography it has been my endeavour to compile references for all that has been written on the history of Dutch medicine in our country and elsewhere in our age. The main concern of this work is with the medicine of the Northern Nether lands. However, before the end of the sixteenth century the Northern and South ern Netherlands were not yet divided into two separate countries; they were still politically one and for the greater part spoke the same Flemish language. So be fore their separation the present-day Belgium and Netherlands also had a com mon medical history. Therefore many entries have been included which bear on early (and sometimes later) Flemish medicine, but it has not been the inten tion to strive for completeness in this respect.

A distinguished group of international scholars from the disciplines of history, philosophy, literature and art history offer a reconsideration of the ideas and the impact of the abbé Henri Grégoire, one of the most important figures of the French Revolution and a contributor to the campaigns for Jewish emancipation, rights for blacks, the reform of the Catholic Church and many other causes

The present volume owes its ongm to a Colloquium on "Alchemy and Chemistry in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries", held at the Warburg Institute on 26th and 27th July 1989. The Colloquium focused on a number of selected themes during a closely defined chronological interval: on the relation of alchemy and chemistry to medicine, philosophy, religion, and to the corpuscular philosophy, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The relations between Medicina and alchemy in the Lullian treatises were examined in the opening paper by Michela Pereira, based on researches on unpublished manuscript sources in the period between the 14th and 17th centuries. It is several decades since the researches of R.F. Multhauf gave a prominent role to Johannes de Rupescissa in linking medicine and alchemy through the concept of a quinta essentia. Michela Pereira explores the significance of the Lullian tradition in this development and draws attention to the fact that the early Paracelsians had themselves recognized a family resemblance between the works of Paracelsus and Roger Bacon's scientia experimentalis and, indeed, a continuity with the Lullian tradition.

The original idea for a conference on the "shapes of knowledge" dates back over ten years to conversations with the late Charles Schmitt of the Warburg Institute. What happened to the classifications of the sciences between the time of the medieval Studium and that of the French Encyclopedie is a complex and highly abstract question; but posing it is an effective way of mapping and evaluating long term intellectual changes, especially those arising from the impact of humanist scholarship, the new science of the seventeenth century, and attempts to evaluate, to apply, to reconcile, and to institutionalize these rival and interacting traditions. Yet such patterns and transformations cannot be well understood from the heights of the general history of ideas. Within the ~eneral framework of the organization of knowledge the map must be filled in by particular explorations and soundings, and our project called for a conference that would combine some encyclopedic (as well as interdisciplinary and inter national) breadth with scholarly and technical depth.

Wie stellte man in verschiedenen kulturellen Kontexten Wissen her? Welche zeitlichen Veränderungen und räumlichen Spezifi ka prägten den Umgang mit Wissen? Wie wurde Information gespeichert, verarbeitet, geordnet, angewandt und aufbereitet, aber auch zerstört und vergessen? Was galt überhaupt als Wissen und für wen? Wie veränderten sich die Antworten darauf im globalen Kontext? Diese Fragen stehen im Zentrum der Reihe, vorwiegend mit Blick auf eine ›lange‹ Frühe Neuzeit.

Descartes' philosophy represented one of the most explicit statements of mind-body dualism in the history of philosophy. Its most familiar expression is found in the Meditations (1641) and in Part I of The Principles 0/ Philosophy (1644). However neither of these books provided a detailed discussion of dualism. The Meditations was primarily concerned with finding a foundation for reliable human knowledge, while the Principles attempted to provide an alternative metaphysical framework, in contrast with scholastic philosophy, within which natural philosophy or a scien tific explanation of natural phenomena could be developed. Thus neither book ex plicitly presents a Cartesian theory of the mind nor does either give a detailed account of how, if dualism were accepted, mind and body would interact. The task of articulating such a theory was left to two further works, only one of which was completed by Descartes, viz. the Treatise on Man (published posthumously in 1664). The Treatise began with the following sentence, describing the hypothetical human beings who were to be explained in that work: 'These human beings will be com posed, as we are, of a soul and a body; and, first of all, I must describe the body for you separately; then, also separately, the soul; and fmally I must show you how these two natures would have to be joined and united to constitute human beings resembling us.

The Cambridge Platonists were defenders of tolerance in the political as well as the moral sphere ; they held that practical j u d g e m e n t came down in the last instance to individual conscience ; and they laid the foundations of our modern conceptions of conscience and liberty. But at the same time they ma intained the existence of eternal truths , and of a Good-in-itself , identical with Truth and Being, refusing to admit that freedom of conscience i m p li e d moral relativism. They were critics of dogmatism, and of the sectarian notion of "enthusiasm" as a source of illumination , on the grounds that both were disruptive of social harmony; they pleaded the cause of reason , in the hope that it could become the foundation of all human knowledge . Yet , for all that , they ma intained that a certain sort of mystical illumination lay at the heart of all true thought , and that human reason had validity only in virtue of i t s divine origin . They debated with Des cartes and took a keen interest in his mech- ism and his dualism ; they brought the atomistic theories of Democritus back into repute; and they sought to provide a detailed account of the causality link ing all phenomena.

Readership: Readers with an interest in the European Enlightenment; intellectual and cultural historians; scholars and students of philosophy.